Please see Sweden vs Assange for up to the minute coverage. See also http://rixstep.com/jawl for more history and background on the case.
Original prepared by DeLorean https://www.flashback.org/sp25460511
People and web addresses:
JA - Julian Assange. Founder of WikiLeaks http://wikileaks.org
AA - One of the women accusing JA. Spokeswoman for "Broderskapsrörelsen" ("The Brotherhood Movement" which is the Christian wing of the Social Democratic Party) AA's cousin Mattias is Lt Colonel with the Swedish peace keeping forces in Afghanistan. http://ardin.se http://www.socialdemokraterna.se/broderskap
SW - The second woman accusing JA. Lives in the town of Enköping, 50 miles north west of Stockholm. Since all police reports about her are classified, the identity of this woman has not been 100% verified.
MHK - Maria Häljebo Kjellstrand, duty prosecutor in Stockholm City. Her husband works as a legal expert to Minister of Justice Beatrice Ask.
EF - Eva Finné, Chief Prosecutor.
CB - Claes Borgström. Legal representative of AA och SW.
LS - Leif Silbersky. Legal representative of JA until Sep 7.
BH - Björn Hurtig. Legal representative of JA from Sep 7.
MN - Marianne Ny. Head of the Public Prosecutor's Office; Development Unit in Gothenburg. Handles the appeal from CB.
Prosecutors office: http://www.aklagare.se (some statements regarding JA are in English).
Background:
JA is on a longer stay in Sweden for various reasons. Among other things, he will speak at a "Brotherhood" seminar. AA handles JAs invitation and is in contact with JA before the visit. It is generally believed that JA spends his first nights in AAs apartment in Stockholm. (Fri, Aug 13 - Mon, Aug 16?). Probably even Wed night, Aug 17 - Friday, Aug 19. AA is probably working outside of Stockholm some of these days.
Friday Aug 13:
During this night (or maybe during the night between Saturday and Sunday), the incident that makes AA report JA to the police, occurs.
Saturday, Aug 14:
- JA delivers his speech at the Brotherhood seminar. SW acts as a photographer during the seminar although it seems as she has not been invited as a photographer. SW manages to get invited to the lunch (with JA) held after the seminar.
- JA och SW hang out in the afternoon.
- Crayfish party in the home of AA in the evening. Participants:
AA
JA
Possibly: Pirate Party member 1 (The Pirate Party is a small, Swedish Political Party).
Possibly: Pirate Party member 2
Possibly journalist 1
Possibly journalist 2
Perhaps a few more people.
Monday, Aug 16:
JA travels by train with SW to Enköping and stays the night in her home. During the night or in the morning, the incident that makes SW report JA to the police, occurs.
Wednesday, Aug 18:
AA and SW - who have not met before according to their own statements - get in touch during the day (or maybe during Thu, Aug 19). Then the following happens:
Friday, Aug 20:
- During the afternoon (possibly around 2 p.m.) AA and SW enter the Klara Police Station in central Stockholm to discuss some things they say they have experienced while being with JA.
- The police officer handling the case creates one report concerning rape involving SW and one concerning molestation (which is not necessarily a sexually related crime in Sweden) involving AA..
- Rumours say that AA claims that JA intentionally broke a condom. (Later, JA denies this while being interrogated by the police).
- MHK decides to arrest JA in his absence for one count of rape and one count of sexual molestation.
- Within hours, someone leaks information about MHKs decision (including JAs name) to tabloid "Expressen".
- Against good practice, MHK confirms the story when a reporter from Expressen calls her. Her excuse seems to be that she got the impression that Expressen already knew all the details, and thus, she might just as well confirm(!).
- Within 24 hours, the story is in the media all over the world.
- The soruce/leak is still unidentified.
- Perhaps SW takes a test for some diseases.
Saturday, Aug 21:
- Chief prosecutor EF cancels the arrest warrant for JA. Says EF: "I do not believe that there is any reason so suspect him of rape". The report on molestation remains, but it is now unclear whether it is considered sexual or not.
- http://www.aklagare.se/Media/Nyheter...-sin-franvaro/
Tuesday, Aug 24:
- Attorney Claes Borgström (CB) is suggested as legal representative of AA and SW.
- Attorney Leif Silbersky (LS) is suggested as legal representative of JA.
- At http://rebellabloggen.wordpress.com/2010/08/24/Wikileakshjaltar-kan-ocksa-gora-puckade-saker/ (a blog for young feminists from the social democratic party) blogger Sara Gunnerud publishes what seems to be AAs version of what happened. It gives the impression that JA has had unsafe sex against AAs will. And that AA and SW went to the police to find out if it possible to force JA to take a test för sexually transferred diseases (STD). Sara Gunnerud also gives a negative description of JAs attitude towards women. But she gives praise to WikiLeaks.
Wendesday, Aug 25:
- EF issues a statement where she announces that a preliminary investigation concerning one count of molestation (the word "sexual" is not mentioned) will be opened.
- As to the rape charges, EF says that she does not question the information delivered by SW, but that this information is such that there is no suspicion of rape at hand. Link: http://www.aklagare.se/Media/Nyheter/Beslut-i-Assangearendet-onsdag/
- In conversation with LS, JA says that he is completely innocent both from a legal point of view and from a moral one. He also adds that he has already suffered "enormous damage" from what has occurred.
Friday, Aug 27:
- Just before Swedish authorities close their offices for the weekend, CB delivers an appeal of EFs decision. CB now requests that JA be charged with two counts of rape, one against AA and one against SW.
Sunday, Aug 29 - Tuesday, Aug 31:
- According to Swedish newspaper Resumé, the first hint to tabloid Expressen came by SMS from a source which is yet to be identified. The SMS was delivered to free lance photographer Stefan Söderström who was at the governmental residence of Harpsund for a gathering with the Swedish government. Also at Harpsund was political journalist Niklas Svensson who works for Expressen. Svensson informs Expressen reporter Diamant Salihu, who digs up more information by contacting at least one other source. Then he calls duty prosecutor MHK who, inexplicably, confirms the fact that JA is arrested in his absence.
- According to a stubborn rumour from several sources, the incident between SW and JA should be that they had unsafe sex. It is not known whether, or in which way, safe sex had been agreed upon between the parties.
Monday, Aug 30:
-JA is interrogated about the molestation charge against AA (but not about the rape charges). The charge seems to be that JA deliberately made a hole in a condom. JA denies doing so. Expressen publishes parts of the interrogation: http://www.expressen.se/nyheter/1.2118961/har-ar-forhoret-med-assange-ord-for-ord
Wednesday, Sep 1:
- The case has now been handed over to the Public Prosecutor's Office's "Development Unit" in Gothenburg, where the head of the department, Chief Prescutor Marianne Ny (MN) decides to reopen the preliminary investigation of one count of rape (against SW) and that the preliminary investigation of one count of molestation (against AA) is to be reopened and expanded to include "all events" in the police report.
http://www.aklagare.se/media/nyheter/overprovningsbeslut-i-assangearendet/
Friday, Sep 3:
- SW is interrogated a second time about the alleged rape.
- MN and her assistant prosecutor go through all existing material
Monday, Sep 6:
- JA requests that his legal representative LS be replaced by attorney Björn Hurtig (BH).
Tusesday, Sep 7:
- JA is granted the switch from LS to BH.
Saturday, Sep 11:
In an interview in the legal newspaper "Dagens Juridik" (a low profile newspaper for the legal community), BH says that his client has received a very unfair treatment from the authorities and that he will surely demand compensation from the state. http://www.dagensjuridik.se/2010/09/hurtig-assange-kommer-vilja-krava-kompensation-av-staten
The Pirate Party provide bandwidth and hosting free of charge.
http://rixstep.com/1/20100817,00.shtml
Julian Assange charged with rape, then charges suddenly dropped.
http://rixstep.com/1/20100821,00.shtml
Further developments.
http://rixstep.com/1/20100822,00.shtml
The person behind the police complaint identified.
http://rixstep.com/1/20100823,00.shtml
Sweden's most famous lawyer speaks out.
http://rixstep.com/1/20100824,00.shtml
The case gets murkier and dirtier by the day.
http://rixstep.com/2/1/20100824,00.shtml
Violated secrecy laws in revealing details to the media.
http://rixstep.com/1/20100824,01.shtml
This is when things start to get dirty.
http://rixstep.com/1/20100825,00.shtml
Pause for the cause. A look at the media hysteria surrounding the Assange affair.
http://rixstep.com/2/1/20100829,00.shtml
After giving their solemn promise. US military blog smells rat in second woman's story.
http://rixstep.com/1/20100902,00.shtml
The luck of Langley? You couldn't make this up.
http://rixstep.com/2/1/20100905,00.shtml
Stay on track. Don't be naïve. And don't be silent.
http://rixstep.com/2/1/20100905,01.shtml
The media in Sweden are trying to convince their sheeple that everything's OK and the staggeringly arrogant Lena Sundström is going to teach them how. 'What to think about the Assange case? Try to not think about it!'
http://rixstep.com/1/1/20100906,00.shtml
Now it's up to fashionable hyper-expensive television star Björn Hurtig. Can he be proactive? Can any Swedish solicitor?
http://rixstep.com/1/20100907,00.shtml
People truly have a lot to fear.
http://rixstep.com/1/20100908,00.shtml
Swedish police IAD file complaint against their own.
http://rixstep.com/1/20100908,01.shtml
Don't fundamental civil rights apply? By SvD's Carin Stenström.
http://rixstep.com/2/1/20100909,00.shtml
Authorities sound the alarm after 'steal' of confidential Assange case dossier but Aftonbladet's editor in chief insists all is above board. Too many things are leaking in praiseworthy Stockholm.
http://rixstep.com/1/20100910,00.shtml
A timeline including excerpts of case testimony. The Stockholm sleaze rag somehow got a copy of the actual case dossier. They claim it was legal; the authorities aren't convinced.
http://rixstep.com/1/20100914,00.shtml
Sweden in violation of European civil rights. The world-famous solicitor calls for diplomatic 'carpet bombing' of Swedish authorities.
http://rixstep.com/1/20100914,01.shtml
The famous author on Sweden's crazy treatment of rape accusations. From 23 August.
http://rixstep.com/1/1/20100916,00.shtml
Israel Shamir and Paul Bennett level off on the lot.
http://rixstep.com/1/20100917,01.shtml
Meet Sweden's prosecutor general. Force yourself.
http://rixstep.com/1/20100917,00.shtml
Something's happened in the Assange case? Actually nothing happened but it took nearly a month for the Swedes to admit it.
http://rixstep.com/1/20100918,00.shtml
Saving face and saving careers in Sweden's public offices.
http://rixstep.com/2/1/20100919,01.shtml
Peering down a rabbit hole.
http://rixstep.com/2/1/20100919,00.shtml
Welcome to the feast. Fill up.
http://rixstep.com/1/20100922,00.shtml
The one thing you may never take it at.
http://rixstep.com/2/1/20100925,00.shtml
Dissension in the ranks?
http://rixstep.com/1/20100925,00.shtml
On the second part of the Der Spiegel interview. All things considered, and taking new revelations in the German media into account, it looks like Herr Domscheit might have been a plant. He certainly did all he could to stop the release of the Iraq War Logs. And when found out and questioned, ran straight into the arms of the enemy.
http://rixstep.com/1/20100927,00.shtml
News in the ongoing case now into its 41st day.
http://rixstep.com/1/20100929,00.shtml
Anna Ardin's goose is cooked. She's consequently planning on leaving the country for three months.
http://rixstep.com/2/1/20101001,01.shtml
Sensational news: extraordinary Internet detective work by Göran Rudling. Anna Ardin trying to wipe her tracks and caught in a trap. From 30 September 2010.
http://rixstep.com/1/20101001,01.shtml
'Meet me in Stockholm baby so we can mess around.'
http://rixstep.com/1/20101005,00.shtml
What Julian Assange has been up against. 'Citizen X' is one of Sweden's best bloggers and news researchers. He recently covered the 'sex torture' case. The story gives insight into how Sweden has changed and what visitors like Julian Assange are up against when crossing the border.
http://radsoft.net/rants/20101008,00.shtml
So claims Stefan Lindgren who was to meet Julian that week in Stockholm. And it turned out to be three (3) stolen laptops: Julian flew from Stockholm to Berlin, was the only passenger to check in luggage, and of course the case was gone on arrival.
http://rixstep.com/1/20101014,00.shtml
Another centre of gravity? Didn't work too good. Oh well.
http://rixstep.com/1/20101014,01.shtml
How a Swedish tabloid journalist got the Assange story and how he ran with it. A startling look at the yesterday media and the way tabloid journalists work.
http://rixstep.com/2/1/20101018,00.shtml
Graduate cum laude from the Kay Burley School of Journalism. This clip is being blocked in the US; Rixstep have the entire clip for download; ask in the forum for a copy.
http://rixstep.com/1/1/0/20101023,00.shtml
Julian Assange once wanted to collaborate with the editor in chief of the Stockholm tabloid Aftonbladet.
http://rixstep.com/1/1/20101024,00.shtml
What would Auric Goldfinger say? What would the CIA say? A look at a few remarkable things about Sweden's prosecution authority.
http://rixstep.com/1/20101104,00.shtml
Transcript of the CIA refusal to reveal plans to assassinate Julian Assange under the FOIA.
http://rixstep.com/1/20101105,00.shtml
WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange will be summoned to Stockholm for further interrogations in the next few days. If he doesn't turn up, he'll be sought internationally, according to informed sources. Not because he is guilty of rape - if he was, then half of Sweden's male population would be behind bars - but because he's to be destroyed.
http://rixstep.com/2/1/20101108,00.shtml
Here are some English language articles covering the rape allegations made against Julian Assange in Sweden in August 2010. In a legal case that can only be described as a quagmire, (if not Kafkaesque), the media's coverage of it has accordingly been confused and confusing in equal measure. Not surprisingly, the most coherent and least sensationalist analysis has come from bloggers rather than MSM reporters.
David Leigh of The Guardian on August 22: "Allegation apparently leaked to press by police" http://www.guardian.co.uk/media/2010/aug/22/WikiLeaks-julian-assange-sweden
Scott Horton of Harper's Magazine on August 23 correctly advised that those following the story should accept nothing at face value.
http://harpers.org/archive/2010/08/hbc-90007522
Angella Johnson of the Daily Mail on August 29, with the first story to feature interviews with the two women making the allegations against Assange.
http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/worldnews/article-1307137/Supporters-dis...
Guy Rundle of Crikey provides a lucid take on the quagmire on September 9, reporting that Birgitta Jónsdóttir's comments about Assange's character were misrepresented in a particularly slanderous Daily Beast article.
http://www.crikey.com.au/2010/09/09/rundle-WikiLeaks-i-havent-seen-accus...
Kelley Vlahos of Antiwar.com provides further media criticism, with links to reasoned analysis from James Fallows at Atlantic, blogger Fabius Maximus, and anti-WikiLeaks maniacs such as Jonah Goldberg:
http://www.antiwar.com/blog/2010/09/02/fallows-others-taking-another-loo...
At this point a discerning reader may notice a common caveat running through many blog posts on the subject of Assange's rape allegations: Try not to believe anything for now, for there is no objective reality.
Then of course we have some examples of yellow journalism, 2.0.
Step 1: Facebook-stalk Julian Assange's son Daniel;
Step 2: Use content from his FB page without permission;
Step 3. Publish his comments as bona fide source material
Guess who? News Limited - "We Report, You Swallow".
http://www.nypost.com/p/news/international/my_wiki_dad_just_awful_with_t...
Read Daniel Assange's wry rebuttal and corrections here:
http://www.lemma.org/?p=192
Undeterred by the fact that such an article had appeared in the sleazy NY Post, Fairfax journos chirped their own excerpts from the same non-story. In this case, Asher Moses of the Sydney Morning Herald (who should know better, as the ACMA blacklist WikiLeaks released provided him with lots of bread & butter for many months) published the same poison here:
http://www.smh.com.au/technology/technology-news/WikiLeaks-sex-scandal-d...
STOCKHOLM (Rixstep) — Julian Assange is to be arrested in absentia, for questioning, despite repeated attempts by Assange to meet with Marianne Ny who has categorically refused to negotiate any other way.
http://rixstep.com/1/20101118,01.shtml
STOCKHOLM (Rixstep) — Julian Assange will appeal the bizarre arrest order proposed by invisible prosecutor Marianne Ny yesterday through more visible proxies at the district court in Stockholm.
http://rixstep.com/1/20101118,02.shtml
STOCKHOLM (Rixstep) — The long stone-turning gestation period is over. Elusive Swedish prosecutor Marianne Ny now says she wants to meet with Julian Assange to discuss rape charges and she's willing to get an international arrest order to do it.
'That's a bit thin', says solicitor Björn Hurtig.
http://rixstep.com/1/20101118,00.shtml
Thursday November 18, 2010
STAFF EDITORIAL (via @wikileaks)
In October 2010 Julian Assange won the Sam Adams Award for Integrity. He has also been awarded the 2009 Amnesty International Media Award and the Economist Index on Censorship Award in 2008. It is important to remember that accolades such as these do come without tremendous hard work.
The expose of the Afghan War Diaries was a moment of media history, orchestrated by Julian Assange. He brought together The New York Times, The Guardian and Der Spiegel, three of the world’s most reputable newspapers to collaborate with WikiLeaks on exposing more than 90 000 secret significant action reports by the United States relating to the war in Afghanistan. This involved a huge amount of administration in order to co-ordinate all four media partners’ publishing schedules and a lot of time to carefully construct the levels of trust needed to bring together three major newspapers who were also competitors.
Since 2007 Julian, WikiLeaks and the Sunshine Press have been behind international front page stories that have changed the world. However, every story exposing abuses by powerful organizations, whether they be from New York or Nairobi results in a counter attack. Such the importance and veracity of revelations must be defended. Immediately after the Afghan War Diaries he conducted seventy-six interviews in three days maximizing the impact of the disclosures. It is very important for WikiLeaks to create a global platform with which to reach all corners of the earth. This demonstrates to those who wish to expose wrongdoing and misconduct that there is a way to do so without putting themselves at risk. He remains a messenger who big governments and their agencies can, and constantly do, attack while all the time keeping the source of the information published safe.
Because of the nature of the work performed by WikiLeaks both the organization and Julian Assange are constantly under attack. Their servers are under attack. Their security is under attack and their work resources and finances are under attack. This results is a lot of time-consuming administration and means working through a lot of bureaucratic steps to re-establish the efficient running of an organisation. When finances are frozen, as was the case with Money Brokers Limited in August this year (the WikiLeaks account was closed because of "watchlisting" by the US after publication of the Afghanistan documents) it resulted in many letters back and forth, instructing a legal team to administer the situation and still to date there has been no resolution. In just the last 14 days he has met with more than 9 lawyers (excluding Swedish lawyers) in in defense of WikiLeaks’ publishing activities, agreements and sources. Similarly, Julian Assange is subject to these sorts of attacks on a personal level.
He and WikiLeaks both have been attacked in the media by Leon Panetta, Director of the CIA, Admiral Mike Mullen, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and highest ranking officer in the US and Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates not to mention the well recognized media personalities such as Marc A. Thiessen, a former bush administration chief speech writer and currently a Washington Post columnist who wrote “Assange is a non-U.S. citizen operating outside the territory of the United States. This means the government has a wide range of options for dealing with him.” Christian Whiton, a Fox News contributor, said “WikiLeaks should be declared 'enemy combatants',” indicating they should be dealt with outside the law and Jonah Goldberg, a conservative syndicated columnist asked “why wasn’t Julian Assange garroted in his hotel room years ago?”
Attacks such as these create an extreme need for security and he must always be conscious and personally vigilant – a task that is both time consuming and mentally exhausting. The major government players such as the CIA and the Pentagon do not stop at just Julian but also target many WikiLeaks volunteers or associates. Two volunteers and an American WikiLeaks spokesperson have been detained and questioned in the United States along with other individuals alleged to be participant to his publishing activities such as Bradley Manning, an alleged source who is being held as a political prisoner in the United States. Mr Manning's mother's house in Wales was raided by the FBI together with local police earlier this year.
The result is a constant need for legal and political support and managing this from afar and throughout many continents is no small task. Furthermore Julian Assange does not take these matters lightly having been privy to bad experiences in the past – while working on the extra judicial assassinations taking place in Kenya, two WikiLeaks’ affiliates being assassinated.
Since the false allegations made about him in Sweden this August Julian has also needed to work extremely hard at ensuring the smear campaign launched against him has not affected the WikiLeaks brand. Making many public appearances and conducting interviews is absolutely necessary not to mention maintaining relationships with media partners who are so easily affected by such events.
In spite of the attacks against him, Wikileaks successfully released the Iraq War Logs in late October – a cache of over 400 000 US military intelligence reports relating to the war in Iraq. Due to the false allegations mentioned above the management of this leak was extremely difficult. However, he successfully made new lasting relationships and expanded the media partners to include Al Jazeera, Le Monde, the Bureau of Investigative Journalism, SVT and also brought in Public Interest Lawyers and NGOs such as Iraq Body Count. The documents’ release was increased to television as well as print media with two full-length documentaries being commissioned.
Julian Assange also readily offers to speak at many public events; especially those he feels will have a resonating effect on people’s rights and liberties, ideals he holds close to his heart. Recently he presented at the United Nations Universal Periodic Review against the United States in Geneva where he offered up evidence from the Iraq War logs of the human right abuses such as the 109 000 deaths, 185 000 casualties, 66 000 civilian deaths and countless cases of torture conducted by America. The speech he gave lasted over two hours alone and the preparation for such an event is mammoth. During his stay in Geneva the Swiss government was so fearful for his personal security that they offered two International Police and two Swiss Police as his bodyguards for the duration, yet another indication of the severity of the danger he encounters on a daily basis. In late September he spoke in London for Index on Censorship regarding Security and censorship in the age of WikiLeaks.
In the coming months Julian Assange aims to carry on the invaluable work and service that WikiLeaks offers the public. In due course he intends on providing information, as yet publically unknown. He has stifled many illegal attacks and remains victorious on all legal attacks against WikiLeaks.
Original source: http://www.twitlonger.com/show/71lm5i
For international consumption and amusement. Perhaps only the first of perhaps many. There are many lolz in what use to be such a great country.
http://rixstep.com/1/20101119,00.shtml
STOCKHOLM (Rixstep) — Swedish national television SVT sent reporters to the Stockholm district court and to Isengard to follow the events and interview Marianne Ny. This resulted in a two minute two second spot on the evening news. The link is below. In the interests of truth, justice, and liberty, a full transcript is provided in case the clip suddenly disappears.
Watch (read) towards the end how Saruman Ny does a two-step past the crucial question. The stench is overwhelming.
http://rixstep.com/1/20101119,02.shtml
Malin Otterström won't be apologising to Anna Ardin.
http://rixstep.com/1/20101119,01.shtml
London-based lawyer Mark Stephens spoke with The Guardian:
"Comparing the Swedish prosecutor to Lavrentiy Pavlovich Beria, Stalin's notorious security chief, Mark Stephens said "neither Mr Assange nor his lawyers have been provided any further information beyond that reported in the press."
He continued: "This appears to be a persecution and a prosecution. It is highly irregular and unusual for the Swedish authorities to issue a red notice in the teeth of the undisputed fact that Mr Assange has agreed to meet voluntarily to answer the prosecutor's questions. Mr Assange has repeatedly sought meetings with the prosecutrix – both in Sweden and subsequently – in order to answer her questions and clear his name. It is relevant that Mr Assange sought permission from the prosecutrix to leave Sweden and she gave him her permission. Since leaving Sweden Mr Assange has continued to seek meetings with the prosecutrix, but his requests have either been ignored or met with a refusal."
He added: "At this point in time, we have no evidence pointing to a link between these allegations from August and the issue of the Interpol alert just two days after the WikiLeaks first release of US diplomatic cables. However, it is highly unusual for a red notice warrant to be issued in relation to the allegations reported as having been made, since Swedish law does not require custodial orders in relation to the allegation – indeed to our knowledge this is a unique action by the Swedish prosecuting authorities in applying for a red notice on the basis of these allegations.
"We are also investigating whether the prosecutor's application to have Mr Assange held incommunicado without access to lawyers, visitors or other prisoners – again a unique request – is in any way linked to this matter and the recent, rather bellicose US statements of an intention to prosecute Mr Assange."
The Guardian also refers to Stephens's statements to The Times arguing that the arrest warrant issued was invalid:
"The arrest warrant has been issued in circumstances where Assange has an outstanding appeal in Sweden," Stephens said in the Times, while a police source was quoted as saying Assange's warrant was "not a properly certified warrant so we can't act on it."
Stephens argued that although Assange was originally wanted on a charge of rape, this had been thrown out after a partially successful appeal and which meant that Swedish law did not allow for another arrest warrant for current allegations.
He said British police had probably not taken any action against Assange because the warrant was issued incorrectly rather than because they didn't know where he was.
"The sole ground for the warrant is the prosecutor's blatantly false allegation that he is on the run from justice: he left Sweden lawfully and has offered himself for questioning. An appeal against this decision was filed on Monday and is pending," Stephens said.
Separately, Melbourne barrister James D. Catlin wrote in Crikey:
"Apparently having consensual s-x in Sweden without a condom is punishable by a term of imprisonment of a minimum of two years for r-pe. That is the basis for a reinstitution of r-pe charges against WikiLeaks figurehead Julian Assange that is destined to make Sweden and its justice system the laughing stock of the world and dramatically damage its reputation as a model of modernity.[...]
That further evidence hasn’t been confected to make the charges less absurd does Sweden no credit because it has no choice in the matter. The phenomena of social networking through the internet and mobile phones constrains Swedish authorities from augmenting the evidence against Assange because it would look even less credible in the face of tweets by Anna Ardin and SMS texts by Sofia Wilén boasting of their respective conquests after the “crimes”.
In the case of Ardin it is clear that she has thrown a party in Assange’s honour at her flat after the “crime” and tweeted to her followers that she is with the “the world’s coolest smartest people, it’s amazing!”. Go on the internet and see for yourself. That Ardin has sought unsuccessfully to delete these exculpatory tweets from the public record should be a matter of grave concern. That she has published on the internet a guide on how to get revenge on cheating boyfriends ever graver. The exact content of Wilén’s mobile phone texts is not yet known but their bragging and exculpatory character has been confirmed by Swedish prosecutors. Niether Wilén’s nor Ardin’s texts complain of r-pe.
But then neither Ardin nor Wilén complained to the police but rather “sought advice”, a technique in Sweden enabling citizens to avoid just punishment for making false complaints. They sought advice together, having collaborated and irrevocably tainted each other’s evidence beforehand. Their SMS texts to each other show a plan to contact the Swedish newspaper Expressen beforehand in order to maximise the damage to Assange. They belong to the same political group and attended a public lecture given by Assange and organised by them. You can see Wilén on the YouTube video of the event even now.[...]
A great deal more damning evidence is yet to be revealed about what passes for legal process in Sweden, such as Assange’s lawyers having not received a single official document until November 18, 2010 (and then in Swedish language contrary to European Law) and having to learn about the status of investigations through prosecution media announcements but make no mistake: it is not Julian Assange that is on trial here but Sweden and its reputation as a modern and model country with rules of law."
An appeal against the arrest warrant was filed on Monday on behalf of Julian Assange with the Sweden Supreme Court, which we covered here. Our full Sweden case coverage section can be found here.
Contents
1. Introduction
2. Data Resources
3. Revelations
4. WL Central Coverage
.
A momentous release by WikiLeaks of 251,287 US diplomatic cables started on November 28, 2010 in conjunction with The Guardian, Le Monde, El País, Der Spiegel and The New York Times. Since then, the original media partners have left the media partnership, and others have joined, in various regional arrangements.
"The cables show the extent of US spying on its allies and the UN; turning a blind eye to corruption and human rights abuse in "client states"; backroom deals with supposedly neutral countries; lobbying for US corporations; and the measures US diplomats take to advance those who have access to them," said WikiLeaks on the introduction page for the release.
Besides exposing questionable practices on behalf of world governments, the cables constitute an immense gift to history and contemporary journalism, presenting a dynamic and systematic picture of world diplomacy, in the painstaking detail required by the U.S. Department of State. Few events unfolding on the contemporary world stage go without context in these State Department cables. A critical reading of the cables bequeaths a deep understanding of local and regional politics, and the structure of world governance, and is invaluable to journalists, scholars and conscientious citizens.
As of the Monday 22nd of August, 2011, Wikileaks started to release massive amounts of cables at once, by region, and invited its supporters to aid it in crowdsourcing the scanning of the materials. This process is ongoing.
Since the beginning, an array of useful web resources have sprung up to aid the exploration of the Wikileaks data. These have evolved over the course of releases, gradually becoming more powerful. The following sites can be used to aid investigation of the State Department cables that have been in the process of release since late November 2010. Because of the way in which the cables are being released, many of the sites catalogue not only the cables themselves, but the release date and release schedule of the cables, the changes in redaction over various releases, and the percentage of the total number of cables.
Primary Resources for Cablegate
Wikileaks Official Cablegate Site
Wikileaks' Cablegate site is the first port of call, being perhaps the most authoritative central archive. While some media partners may release cables that are not yet released by Wikileaks, this site is where they are first released by Wikileaks. The site has been systematically mirrorred across the world since early December, when internet companies began to proactively censor it.
The site is well laid out and easy to navigate, using the metadata navigation links on the left sidebar. There is, however, no search function. Cables can be viewed in terms of the date they were released from Wikileaks, but this option does not convey more complex data, such as whether a cable was released in a more or less redacted form at a later date. An apparent bug with the software amends the minute count in the "created" and "released" dates in the header of each cable so as to make it equivalent to the hour count.
#wlfind & @wlfind
To centralize, collect and archive all of the August crowdsourcing efforts, the twitter hashtag #wlfind has been designated. The tag is extremely busy at present. New tweets are posted to the tag every minute by Wikileaks supporters (#wlsup) engaging in their own reading of the newly released cables. A twitter account has been set up to retweet selections of the #wlfind tweets: @wlfind.
LeakyLinks Mirror Monitor (No longer available)
Since early December, a vast network of mirrors has been in operation, to prevent the removal of Wikileaks from the internet. If the official site is ever down, LeakyLinks keeps an extremely useful list of all of the some 2000 mirrors of Wikileaks site - sites that have signed up for the Wikileaks mass mirroring programme. LeakyLinks monitors each mirror and compares it with the official site to determine which of the mirrors are up to date, and which have fallen behind in their mirroring of all of the cables.
Cablegate Database on Google Fusion Tables
While the cables are being released slowly, in batches, in collaboration with Wikileaks' media partners, a database generated from the metadata of the entire cache was released in November by The Guardian. The database contains certain fields of metadata from all 251286 cables, including the Creation Date, the Source, the Address, and the Tags. (It does not contain the Reference IDs or the Subject Headers.) This resource is invaluable for seeing the spread of all the cables, how many are yet to be released from a certain embassy, whether there were cables at a specific time, etc. It is a good place to check claims about as yet unreleased cables, too. A .csv file is available for download from the Guardian website, and another, with some extra data, is available here, for offline perusal and data manipulation.
CablegateSearch
The best site for investigating the cables, surpassing the official site in terms of functionality. This site apparently began as an independent attempt to make the Wikileaks data more searchable, providing an up to date mirror of the Wikileaks site, but with its own interface and search engine. It has since expanded its remit, offering various powerful alternative options for presenting the cables which are not offered elsewhere.
The search function is instant and intuitive and the cables are presented in an attractive and readable list, and can be expanded by clicking on the + button. A function is provided to add certain cables to a "cart" to be exported. Metadata is intelligently handled, expanded where abbreviations are used, and fully hyperlinked. The site also presents a fascinating tagcloud of the cables released to date.
CablegateSearch's user-friendly interface
Two features are especially useful. The History page offers a visual breakdown of the release history of the cables, documenting when new documents were released, old documents removed from subsequent releases, redactions added or removed to existing cables. Readers also have the option to download the torrent of earlier Wikileaks releases, in order to view a cable that has since been removed.
The Extras page implements a function that is not yet replicated anywhere else. The present release status of the cables is compared - on a by embassy basis - with the total number of cables as gleaned from the Guardian's .csv file. Readers can view a list of all of the cables from a specific embassy, where released cables are correlated with their entries in the .csv file. Readers can see how many cables from a specific embassy have not yet been released, view their datestamps, and the content tags, and thereby gain some insight into the likely content of forthcoming releases.
CableDrum
An excellent, simple Cablegate Search site, which allows browsing cable-readers to specify search terms, the results for which link to the cable on Wikileaks' site. Used in conjunction with Wikileaks' own site, Cabledrum affords a user powerful search capabilities for Cablegate, especially as the collection of searchable material grows more voluminous. The Cabledrum site is kept up to date.
Cablegate Trender (Currently Offline)
An experimental, but no less useful, data mining tool for the State Department cables, this tool allows users to specify a string of search terms, and then, rather than offering a straightforward list of results, instead offers the reader options to combine further terms semantically, according to the instances of the string in the text of the cables. The tool is useful not necessarily because it makes it easier to find what you're looking for (although it does), but because it offers a means by which you might discover things you weren't looking for, guided more surely by the semantic structure of the cables than by the limits of your imagination.
xs4all WL site. (Out of date)
A fascinating site, which gathers interesting data about the Cablegate releases, and presents it in an illuminating format. This site is an excellent list of disparities and anomalies in the Wikileaks releases. Missing cables, cables as yet released only by media partners, and strange redactions are all recorded here. Information on faked cables, corrupted cables and the "missing Beijing cable" are offered in a concise format. If it continues to be updated, this will be a go-to source for the full story on Cablegate.
Privetbank Cablegate Anomaly Monitoring Site (Out of date)
The authors of PrivetBank site compare the contents of each successive release of batch torrents from the Wikileaks official site, and detect anomalies. It transpires that some torrents actually remove cables that had been released in earlier torrents, or that some cables appear with new redactions imposed on them. Privetbank documents this in painstaking detail, so that the practice can be subjected to proper scrutiny by the public. Privetbank also contains information about the "Unofficial Cables" - those cables that have been documented on the media partner sites, but that have not, as yet, been released by Wikileaks. The site is not always completely up to date, but is well made, has a sophisticated and pleasing interface, provides links to various mirrors for each cable, offers every torrent so far released for download, and offers a very useful tool for Wikileaks investigators. While the feature has, since it came out, been duplicated by xs4all and cablegatesearch, this was where we saw it first, and it appears here in more comprehensive form.
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Dazzlepod's Cablegate Search Site
A neat and simple interface makes Dazzlepod a painless way of searching through the Cablegate material. Cables are also easily navigable by source using the links on the left. Dazzlepod offers a service whereby you can sign in to receive email and other alerts for specific releases. The tabs at the top provide some useful criteria for filtering the cables, one of which, indispensably, is the "Recently Updated Cables" where readers can see which already-released cables have been modified in latest releases, and compare these against their earlier versions. This function is not as feature-rich as other implementations, above, but it is quick and accessible.
CableSearch is another excellent search engine for Cablegate, designed by journalists for journalists, CableSearch also offers a tabbed interface whereby readers can explore and search within categories defined by metadata terms. The interface is clear and pleasant to use, and information is kept on how up to date the present database is. It is often easier to see what cables have been released most recently here than on the official site. The frontpage provides a tag cloud, a word cloud based on the content of cables released to date, and a cloud generated from popular search terms.
Kabels(Not up to date)
An aesthetically very pleasing site, Kabels also provides some innovative visual navigation options. Cables are navigable by source embassy, and searchable on the left. A clickable colour-coded mesh graph heads every cable, showing the rest of the cables from the same embassy, with the level of classification represented by colour. Clicking on each cell of the mesh graph brings the reader to the corresponding cable. Kabels also implements a crowd-rating system for the cables, offering readers the choice of tagging each cable they read as "Interesting" or not. Kabels is exclusively available via SSL.
OWNI Statelogs Site (Not up to date)
OWNI is the group which prepared the applications through which the Iraq War Logs were released. OWNI released their Statelogs site at the end of November in anticipation of the release of Cablegate. The site is straightforward enough, with a slightly clumsy interface. Interestingly, it provides a facility whereby readers can sign in, and comment on specific cables - an effort to combine archival and crowdsourced reading.
Combined Google Custom Search - War Logs, Cables, & WLCentral
Our own dredeyedick created a custom search tool which uses Google to search both the Afghanistan War Log and Iraq War Log releases from 2010, and the Cablegate archive to date, as well as the WL Central site, for any entered terms. The search is quite useful, and raises the interesting question of whether it will ever be possible to search the combined coverage of all of the media partners on Cablegate along with the original source material. It is also accessible on dredeyedick's Twextra site, here.
Aftenposten WikiLeaks Wordle
A word cloud, apparently generated from the full text of the 250,000 cable cache in the possession of Afterposten, this feature allows for analysis of cables from US embassies and consulates and provides an insight into what US ambassadors found interesting. The interactive word cloud visualizes a word count of more than 200,000 messages between the US State Department and its embassies and consulates from 1966 though February 2010. Since the word cloud is generated from as yet unreleased cables, and since the cable count for certain years is rather low, this gives close readers insight into the actual content of as yet unreleased cables.
Aftenposten's Word Cloud
Leakfeed
Leakfeed.com provides a handy assortment of different feeds, in various languages, for those who want to keep as up to date as possible on the cables using a feed system. The feeds include the latest 50 releases, a feed for a specific cable, a feed based on search parameters, or a feed based on filter criteria.
Crowd-sourced Cablegate sites
The following sites are crowdsourced citizen journalism efforts to give Cablegate the attention and treatment it deserves by the internet community. The communities around them are still in development and appear to be seeking dedicated contributors.
CrowdLeak is a successor project of Operation Leakspin, which was a project towards which the swarm moved after worldwide ambivalence about Anon's Operation Payback. CrowdLeak's raison d'etre is to scour the Cablegate releases for the most interesting and urgent revelations contained there, and to document them in a manner that is accessible to the public, and which is likely to activate individuals politically. The site engages in the summarization, translation and publication of cables, in German, Dutch, French, Italian, Portuguese, Spanish and Russian. The site uses an innovative collaborative review process for publication of articles.
WikiSpooks is a crowdsourced project designed to build a credible and comprehensive knowledge of "deep political structures and events." The use of Cablegate material takes a central role in this effort, and an editorial policy designed to arbitrate political disagreements as to source material is implemented. An interesting concept, using the MediaWiki engine, with some potential for good material.
Both CableWiki and CableGateWiki were crowdsourced attempts to archive and document each cable that is released in an internationally accessible way. The central mandate of these sites is summarization and translation into languages other than English to facilitate the accessibility of key information by non English speakers. Both sites have recently resolve to merge, and pool resources.
Cablewiki's Crowdsourcing Wikileaks Site
The following articles serve as digests of the last year's Wikileaks news, selected according to personal assessment of newsworthiness and salience. They are a valuable resource for anyone who wants to ascertain for him or herself, independent of self-directed reading, whether it is true, as commonly maintained, that "Wikileaks told us nothing new."
Kevin Gosztola: 100 Wikileaks Revelations in 100 Minutes
One of the most startling collections of Cablegate revelations was compiled by WL Central editor and contributor, Kevin Gosztola. On the 7th of March, 2011, to commemorate the 100th day since the commencement of Cablegate, Kevin compiled an indispensable list of stories that the first 100 days of Cablegate saw burst into the public eye. He then spent 100 minutes in the morning of the 7th tweeting one of these revelations a minute, to a grand total of 100 Cablegate revelations. Readers who take the time to work through the list will be unable to deny the sheer scope and variety of the leaks.
The Nation & The Huffington Post: Greg Mitchell: Why Wikileaks Matters & Cablegate To Date
The Nation's Greg Mitchell is by now one of the key names in Wikileaks coverage. His Wikileaks live blog has been a fixture since late November for anyone wanting to keep abreast of the news on Wikileaks. He has also written a book on Wikileaks' activities since April 2009. In these posts, Mitchell compiles, from his own archive, a huge list of valuable points of information Wikileaks brought to the public eye.
Electronic Frontier Foundation: Rainey Reitman: The Best of Cablegate: Instances Where Public Discourse Benefited from the Leaks
This post by Rainey Reitman lists "a small selection of cables that [have] been critical to understanding and evaluating controversial events." Among the revelations overviewed are the DYNCORP "dancing boy" scandal, and the misuse of the U.S. diplomatic corp to fix contracts and law reform for big business. Valuable commentary is provided for each entry.
CBS News: Joshua Norman: How WikiLeaks Enlightened Us in 2010
This excellent piece by Joshua Reitman on CBS' "World Watch" breaks down noteworthy Cablegate revelations by state. A comprehensive and valuable collection of news headlines.
Salon: Glenn Greenwald: What WikiLeaks revealed to the world in 2010
Glenn Greenwald at Salon is a tireless writer on the subject of Wikileaks. He has a formidable ability to dig up old news to give context to today's headlines - serving often as the institutional memory journalism seems to have lost. Greenwald here collects the headlines from 2010, sets them beside each other, and lets the argument develop itself. Res Ipsa Loquitur.
ForeignPolicy.com: Best of Arab Leaks
"Now that the [Arab] revolutions are entering their fourth month... with two governments overthrown and others tottering on the brink, are the WikiLeaks cables merely reporting from a world that doesn't exist anymore? Or can WikiLeaks still be read with an eye toward the new Arab future? Foreign Policy went back through the files to dig up the best of the Arab world WikiLeaks: the cables with impact on today's revolutions, and tomorrow's."
Huffington Post: Vince Warren: Wikileaks and Democracy
Taking issue specifically with claims that Wikileaks has exposed nothing new, Vince Warren develops a counterargument with reference to actual cables and source materials released by Wikileaks. The collection of references is couched in a valuable discussion of the fundamental commitments of democracy, and the role of journalistic organizations like Wikileaks in this.
The Telegraph: Wikileaks' 10 Greatest Stories
Before embarking on its own media collaboration with Wikileaks, The Telegraph printed this list of Wikileaks revelations from the period prior to Cabelgate. A digest of the history of Wikileaks leading up to the 2010 leaks and beyond.
Open Democracy Forum: What Has Wikileaks Ever Taught Us?
How often have we been told in world-weary tones that Wikileaks has revealed nothing new - especially by those who want to appear to be in the know? Here is an aide-mémoire of a few of the highest profile revelations.
Foreign Policy Magazine: The WikiLeaks You Missed
WikiLeaks has continued releasing embassy cables -- fewer than 16,000 of the more than 250,000 have been published so far. In contrast to its early, now-frayed partnerships with the Guardian and the New York Times, WikiLeaks is now working with local papers in countries like Peru, Haiti, and Ireland to release cables of national interest. Here are a few of the highlights:
This is a compendium of important, interesting, or historical coverage of the extradition hearing of Julian Assange in other publications, Twitter, video, etc. For all WL Central coverage of the Julian Assange extradition hearings see this thread or in list form here. A summary of the arguments from the hearing under appeal is here. The arguments for this appeal and a great deal more is at Sweden vs Assange.
For previous coverage of Julian Assange extradition trials by Mirjam Eikelboom see here. Follow @m_cetera on Twitter for coverage on July 12 and 13.
Chirpstory of @m_cetera's coverage below.
2010-11-18 Letter from Swedish Counsel Björn Hurtig to English co-Counsel for Julian Assange
2010-11-18 The Persecution of Julian Assange, Continued
2010-11-18 The Persecution of Julian Assange: Reactions
2010-11-18 Press release by counsel for Julian Assange
2010-11-18 Statement by Julian Assange's counsel Mark Stephens
2010-11-18 WikiLeaks staff editorial: Why our editor-in-chief is busy and needs to be defended
2010-11-19 Julian Assange to appeal Swedish arrest ruling
2010-11-20 The Persecution of Julian Assange: Reactions, Part 2
2010-11-20 Updates in Swedish case
2010-11-21 RSN Petition in Support of Julian Assange
2010-11-22 Further updates in Swedish case
2010-11-24 Updates in Sweden Appeal Case
2010-11-30 Updates in Sweden case
2010-11-30 Updates in Sweden case: Supreme Court appeal, Interpol notice
2010-12-01 Steven Aftergood: Assange prosecution would be "extremely dangerous"
2010-12-02 Sweden case: The lawyers speak up
2010-12-02 Sweden case: The lawyers speak up II
2010-12-02 Sweden case update: Supreme Court will not consider appeal
2010-12-02 WikiLeaks and the US Espionage Act: legal opinions
2010-12-05 Sweden case update
2010-12-06 Sweden case update II
2010-12-07 Julian Assange arrested on Swedish warrant
2010-12-09 Journalists in defence of WikiLeaks, part 10
2010-12-09 Sweden case updates
2010-12-10 WikiLeaks and the Espionage Act, part 2
2010-12-12 Sweden case updates: Key new evidence
2010-12-14 Julian Assange in Court
2010-12-15 Human Rights Watch letter to President Barack Obama
2010-12-16 Sweden case updates: Bail appeal hearing
2010-12-24 Huffington Post: Bianca Jagger - Trial by Newspaper
2010-12-24 WikiLeaks in today's media: Extradition coverage
2010-12-27 Notes on the persecution of Julian Assange
2010-12-30 Clearing the Air of Nick Davies' Misinformation
2010-12-30 Selections from Twitter Archive concerning Swedish Investigation
2011-01-06 Bianca Jagger: The Julian Assange 'Trial by Newspaper' - A Response to Nick Davies
2011-01-11 Key Points from Provisional Skeleton Argument on Behalf of Mr Assange
2011-01-11 Misleading press coverage of Julian Assange Trial
2011-01-14 Eyewitness Account from Belmarsh Court
2011-01-15 Julian Assange & Mens Rea, Sweden & Doli Incapax: Extradition Part 4
2011-01-23 Swedish PM denies political role in Assange extradition case
2011-01-31 WikiLeaks and Human Rights: Open Letter for Support
2011-02-06 Julian Assange extradition matrix
2011-02-06 The Skeleton Argument of Julian Assange’s lawyers: Extradition part 5
2011-02-07 Extradition hearing: Day one
2011-02-08 Eyewitness account from Belmarsh trial - February 7
2011-02-08 UPDATE Australian attorney general responds to open letter to PM Gillard re Assange
2011-02-08 Witness statement of Bjorn Hurtig - Summary
2011-02-09 Notas sobre la persecución a Julian Assange
2011-02-11 Extradition hearing: Day three
2011-02-15 Four allegations against Julian Assange & ‘dual criminality’: Extradition Part 6
2011-02-18 Australia appeals to Sweden over Assange
2011-02-24 Extradition hearing: Day four (Final round)
2011-02-24 Julian Assange railroaded by the EAW system, remains NOT GUILTY for the present.
2011-02-24 Swedish Newspaper Aftonbladet Hosts Chat with Julian Assange
2011-03-03 Meeting on 2nd March in Parliament House Canberra with MPs re Julian Assange.
2011-03-04 Jennifer Robinson: Brief to Canberra meeting of MP's re Julian Assange
2011-03-06 Darkness at Noon: Bradley Manning
2011-03-17 WikiLeaks Forum at Sydney Town Hall, 16 March 2011
2011-03-26 WikiLeaks Notes
2011-04-02 WikiLeaks Notes: Parliamentarians question treatment of Julian Assange and WikiLeaks
2011-04-06 Hearing date set for Assange extradition appeal
2011-04-26 Open Letter to Kevin Rudd: On Julian Assange and Guantanamo Bay revelations.
2011-06-04 Peter Kemp's conversation with WACA: Australian perspectives on Julian Assange and WikiLeaks.
2011-06-11 The extradition appeal of Julian Assange: EU melting pots, ambiguities and human rights on trial.
2011-07-05 Sex, lies & no videotape: Göran Rudling dismantles the case against Julian Assange
2011-07-05 Sex, lies, no videotape and more lies. False accusations in the Assange case
2011-07-11 Assange to appeal extradition to Sweden
2011-07-12 Tweet Stream - Julian #Assange's hearing on July 12 & 13 #wjul
2011-07-12 Tweet Stream - WL Central Correspondent LIVE from Hearing
It becomes quickly evident to anyone who starts to follow the Wikileaks story, especially over the course of the last year, that there are some rather pernicious falsehoods in circulation.
The established media is not immune to promulgating these. In fact, the established media in many cases appears to be their primary vector. The result is a general public misinformed at even the most basic level on the purpose and impact of Wikileaks and its efforts. The phenomenon is illustrative to anyone who cares to remain informed. It paints a telling picture of the state of modern journalism.
Falsehoods are rarely entirely novel. They are often introduced as speculation, or by interested parties, and then passed on lazily, or embellished by successive journalists.
Analysis as to the reasons for the general inability/reluctance of the established press to stick to the facts on this story is a matter for elsewhere on this site and others. It suffices to note that the press genuinely seems unable or reluctant to stick to the facts on Wikileaks. Wikileaks is a matter on which the press is clearly either drastically negligent or pointedly mendacious. At a point in history when its services are most crucially needed, the journalistic profession has (with some exceptions) failed in its duty to the world’s people.
This page is an attempt to serve the historical record more faithfully.
The aim is
We aim to show the means by which we have arrived at our conclusions, through methods of citizen journalism and investigative reading. This section will be revised over time. The situation develops daily, and our task is to work back through the press record to document what has already happened, while also covering new developments.
During its War Log Releases, Wikileaks carelessly/wantonly/maliciously failed to redact the names of soldiers/informants. As a a result, NATO/Allied troops and/or Afghan/Iraqi informants and/or their families were endangered/killed.
This allegation has been made in various forms since Wikileaks released the Afghanistan War Logs, and with renewed intensity after the Iraq War Logs.
The particular phrase, "Wikileaks has blood on its hands," can be traced to the press release statements of high ranking US officials. Both Defense Secretary Robert Gates and Admiral Mike Mullen, in the days following the release of the Afghanistan war logs, made highly publicized statements to this effect.
The quote was quickly seized by news outlets. Glenn Greenwald, in an excellent article, has documented the process of whispers by which the press eventually came to report that Wikileaks indeed does have blood on its hands. The phrase "Wikileaks has blood on its hands" received approx. 2,650,000 search results in Google, at the time of publishing this article.
To date, no name of any casualty directly or arguably attributable to the War Log releases has been mentioned. Overwhelming evidence abounds, and has been reported in the mainstream press, that nobody has been either hurt or killed because of the disclosures. The officials who made the allegations themselves have acknowledged the falsehood of these claims.
2010-10-17: CNN reported that the Department of Defense had concluded that the "online leak of thousands of secret military documents from the war in Afghanistan by the website WikiLeaks did not disclose any sensitive intelligence sources or methods."
The assessment, revealed in a letter from Gates to the Chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee, Sen. Carl Levin (D-Michigan), comes after a thorough Pentagon review of the more than 70,000 documents posted to the controversial whistle-blower site in July. The letter, provided to CNN, was written August 16 by Gates in response to a query by the senator regarding the leak of classified information. Gates said the review found most of the information relates to "tactical military operations." "The initial assessment in no way discounts the risk to national security," Gates wrote. "However, the review to date has not revealed any sensitive intelligence sources and methods compromised by the disclosure." The defense secretary said that the published documents do contain names of some cooperating Afghans, who could face reprisal by Taliban. But a senior NATO official in Kabul told CNN that there has not been a single case of Afghans needing protection or to be moved because of the leak.
The above story can be verified in any other major news source.
2010-08-17: The Associated Press reported that "there is no evidence that any Afghans named in the leaked documents as defectors or informants from the Taliban insurgency have been harmed in retaliation."
Some private analysts, in fact, think the danger has been overstated. "I am underwhelmed by this argument. The Pentagon is hyping," says John Prados, a military and intelligence historian who works for the anti-secrecy National Security Archive. He said in an interview that relatively few names have surfaced and it's not clear whether their present circumstances leave them in jeopardy.
2010-08-11: The Washington Post reported a statement by Pentagon Spokesman Geoff Morrell clarifying that no harm has come as a result of the disclosure. Morrell can be heard to make the statement in the video of the Pentagon press conference.
"We have yet to see any harm come to anyone in Afghanistan that we can directly tie to exposure in the WikiLeaks documents," Morrell said. But, he asserted, "there is in all likelihood a lag between exposure of these documents and jeopardy in the field."
If Morrell's latter statement is to be believed, the lag continues to grow. All of these statements, and the substantive truths they evidence, can be verified for anyone who cares to look.
See also this article from June 2011.
The prominent and mainstream rebuttal of the claim has not prevented the falsehood being conveniently treated as if it were well known fact. It remains as a ready-to-hand premise for far reaching and radical arguments on the part of journalists and politicians hostile to Wikileaks.
Beyond getting people killed, WikiLeaks' actions make it less likely that Afghans and foreign intelligence services (whose reports WikiLeaks also exposed) will cooperate with the United States in the future. And, as former CIA director Mike Hayden has pointed out, the disclosures are a gift to adversary intelligence services, and they will place a chill on intelligence sharing within the United States government. The harm to our national security is immeasurable and irreparable. And WikiLeaks is preparing to do more damage. Assange claims to be in possession of 15,000 even more sensitive documents, which he is reportedly preparing to release. On Sunday, Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates told ABC News that Assange had a "moral culpability" for the harm he has caused. Well, the Obama administration has a moral responsibility to stop him from wreaking even more damage.Assange is a non-U.S. citizen operating outside the territory of the United States. This means the government has a wide range of options for dealing with him. It can employ not only law enforcement but also intelligence and military assets to bring Assange to justice and put his criminal syndicate out of business.
This is one of the more pernicious falsehoods surrounding the Wikileaks releases, and serves to discredit it in, particularly, the eyes of the American public. A rigorous review of the evidence, however, exposes it as one of the more obvious falsehoods.
During its Afghanistan War Log Releases, WikiLeaks carelessly/wantonly/maliciously failed to redact the names of soldiers/informants, or hold back more sensitive information that might endanger lives.
The allegation has circulated that WikiLeaks would not consider any restraints in the release of its Afghanistan War Log releases, and its Iraq War Log releases. It is now considered common knowledge that WL released both sets of War Logs without any provisions for protecting sensitive identities within them. This is simply not true.
This falsehood was developed opportunistically by the Pentagon, and by media organizations friendly to official Washington. The falsehood was afterwards propagated by careless repetition by other news sources, and was passed on by netizens in internet communities and on comment streams, with little regard for its veracity.
The claim is false. WikiLeaks has clearly conducted harm minimization on all of its War Log releases. These harm minimization measures included:
Redaction Process
During the press conference for the Afghan War Log release, which was held in London's Frontline Club, on July 25th 2010, Julian Assange outlined clear and principled policy reasons for harm minimization:
Assange:We have a harm minimization process. Our goal is just for reform. Our method is transparency, but we do not put our method before the goal. If we have a serious endeavour, we do things in policy; we do not do things in an ad hoc way. And so far our harm minimization process has always worked. To our knowledge, no one has ever been physically harmed by the material we have released. Even though we have caused the change of governments and many other serious reforms.
Later, Assange commented on the specific harm minimization measures, as regards the Afghan War Log release:
Assange:[W]e have released to the public some 76,000 reports from this set of material. the set itself comprises over 91,000 reports. We have held back about 15,000 reports of a particular type to undergo a further harm minimization review. Some of those reports will be redacted and released as soon as we are able to get through them and others will be withheld until the security situation in Afghanistan means that it is safe to release them.
Later Assange further disclosed more details of the harm minimization process. Since the logs were of a vast quantity, harm minization had been conducted using the metadata of the logs in question. Logs in sensitive categories were held back for further review.
Assange:It is an enormous compendium of material that will affect many different people in many different ways. We as a journalistic group, the four media groups who worked on this, have really only scratched the surface. I think between us we have probably read about a thousand or two thousand of these reports properly. So it's going to take the rest of the world press and academics to look at the statistics that come out of this.
Journalist:Sorry can I just follow up? I just want to understand you correctly. so you say that you have only gone through and detailed 2000 of these...
Assange:Yes.
Journalist:How do you square that, then, with your argument that this is a responsible publication, and that you've done all of the harm minimization that you said you had?
Assange:The documents are in many different categories. They are tagged with different categories. So we can see that some categories do not have the type of material that would, as an example, identify innocent informants.
Development of Falsehood Through Spin
The Pentagon capitalized on the fact that the documents had not been processed individually, and managed to spin the story so as to present WikiLeaks as having made little effort to minimize harm. During an August 3rd Press Conference, Pentagon spokesperson Geoff Morrell belittled the harm minimization measures. (Transcript Available Here)
Morrell:
They claimed initially to have reviewed these documents, then we find out afterwards they only looked at 2000 of them, so they don't really know what's in all of them.
Morrell also made a comment on the 15,000 documents withheld by WikiLeaks.
Morrell:Obviously these 15,000 documents which they claim to be withholding as part of a harm minization exercise are not in our possession. We don't know for sure which 15,000 documents they are referring to. We have some ideas and are doing some proactive work, some prophylactic work in the event that the docs we suspect they could be, or indeed the docs that they are threatening to post... but that's where i'll leave it now.
Morrell made a comment implying that WikiLeaks had not offered to collaborate with the Pentagon in redaction of the material, by denying that WikiLeaks had contacted the Pentagon directly, rather than through the New York Times, which was the agreed intermediary of all of the media organizations collaborating in the Afghanistan War Logs release.
Morrell:On Tuesday it was reported that WikiLeaks has asked the Department of Defense for help in reviewing approximately 15,000 classified documents that WikiLeaks obtained in an unauthorized and inappropriate manner, before WikiLeaks releases those classified documents to the public. WikiLeaks has made no such request directly to the Department of Defense. These documents are the property of the U.S. government and contain classified and sensitive information. The Defense Department demands that WikiLeaks return immediately to the U.S. government all versions of documents obtained directly or indirectly from the Department of Defense databases or records.
Media organizations did not pick up on the "directly" qualification in Morrell's statement, despite the fact that Morrell specifically referred to the New York Times contact later in the press conference. The result was distributed coverage that reported that WikiLeaks had not contacted the Pentagon in an effort to redact the material. His further comments on the matter seemed to intimate that the Pentagon was willing to collaborate with WikiLeaks on the matter, while also, contradictorily, restating the position that the Pentagon was unwilling to cooperate in any meaningful way.
Morrell:They claim to have reached out to the U.S. government for assistance in harm minimization, and then we find out that, no, it was through their "partner" the New York times. I don't know whether the NY times would consider itself their partner. This is an opportunity for them to turn the page. To recognize the situation that they have created and to try to rectify it. If indeed these claims that they have made through these third parties... these spokesmen... communications to use through the news media, are serious. If they are serious about engaging with us they should reach out to us directly. And we will consider how to proceed once something like that happens. The easiest way, however, to solve this... I mean, we're not looking to have a conversation on harm minimization. We're looking to have a conversation about how to get these perilous documents off the website as soon as possible, return them to the rightful owners and explunge them from their records. That will help minimize harm that has already been created.
WikiLeaks' further efforts to offer the Pentagon a collaborative role in ensuring the disclosures would be comprehensively safe were met with categorical refusal. The emerging impression is of a transparency organization willing to go to extraordinary lengths to ensure that the material was safe for release, and a U.S. government that refused to cooperate.
Imperfect Redaction
It arose later that WikiLeaks' redaction process had not been perfect. The names of certain informants had made it unredacted into the final releases. Mainstream media were content merely to report this fact. More dedicated investigatory coverage fell to more independent internet publications and blogs, although Mark Hosenball, of Newsweek, covered the issue in detail. Glenn Greenwald gave the issue full treatment. Sean Paul Kelley, who writes The Agonist, indicated in a post some of the names that had come to light in the War Logs. However, Kelley's discovery of documentary proof that the Pentagon was consistently refusing to aid the redaction of the logs led him to retract his condemnation of the leaks.
I was wrong. WikiLeaks, based on the evidence that the DoD has presented, did its level best to work with the DoD to redact any names that might harm innocent Afghans. The Pentagon not only lied about it, but has even refused to cooperate going forward... The blood, if there is to be any, is on the Pentagon's hands. It's that simple.
To date, no informant has been harmed by the release of the documents. A review of this claim is contained in 2010-01-21 Debunked: "WikiLeaks Has Blood On Its Hands"
In summary, for the Afghanistan War Logs, WikiLeaks
It is therefore manifestly false that WikiLeaks performed no harm minimization efforts on this release. The disclosure of the names of informants in the releases must be understood in the context of the U.S. Government refusal to aid in redacting the documents. To date, there have been no reported casualties as a result of these disclosures. WikiLeaks responded to criticism of these disclosures by implementing an even more thorough harm minimization strategy for the Iraq War Logs release.
Wikileaks' release of 250K diplomatic cables constitutes an act of treason against the United States, and renders Julian Assange and other Wikileaks staffers liable to charges punishable by capital punishment.
This falsehood is quite straightforward, and has become a talking point in the mainstream media since Cablegate broke. It finds form in the belief that Julian Assange is a "traitor," or is involved in "treason," or that, more generally, Wikileaks is involved in treason. The falsehood can only be held along with a profound ignorance of the law of treason, or of the relevant facts.
This falsehood has become so prevalent in United States media since Sunday 28 November that it is impossible to trace a comprehensive origin. It emerged from a media climate of growing hyperbole, from veiled suggestions of extrajudicial action from Marc Thiessen and Christian Whiton during the last releases, to the public calls for assassination that are now becoming prevalent.
One prominent airing of the view was by Republican and Representative of the 3rd Congressional District of New York, Peter King, who is also Chairman for the House Homeland Security Committee.
It violates espionage laws. I consider it treason. The fact is, whatever happened here and whoever gave them that information is guilty, to me, of the most detestable, contemptible crime, and we have to take it seriously.
King may have intended to attribute treasonous actions only to the source of the leaks, and not to Wikileaks, but if this is the case, he did not choose his words delicately enough. The subtlety of the distinction between Assange and his source was lost on a great many individuals. The falsehood has now propagated through the social media and the blogosphere, where discussion by civilians is played out. To anyone listening to the tweets of middle America, it is plain that this falsehood is rather prevalent.
A Google search for "Assange Traitor" will now turn up countless articles like this one, from a blogger whose internet publication career betrays associations with David Horowitz and Andrew Breitbart.
The claim is so clearly false as to be comical. Three simple propositions illustrate its absurdity.
It's worth having a look at some American law on treason. The United States Code, Title 18, Part I, Chapter 115, § 2381 states:
Whoever, owing allegiance to the United States, levies war against them or adheres to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort within the United States or elsewhere, is guilty of treason and shall suffer death, or shall be imprisoned not less than five years and fined under this title but not less than $10,000; and shall be incapable of holding any office under the United States.
The crime of treason is limited by the United States Constitution, Article 3, Section 3, which states:
Treason against the United States, shall consist only in levying War against them, or in adhering to their Enemies, giving them Aid and Comfort. No Person shall be convicted of Treason unless on the Testimony of two Witnesses to the same overt Act, or on Confession in open Court.
The Congress shall have power to declare the Punishment of Treason, but no Attainder of Treason shall work Corruption of Blood, or Forfeiture except during the Life of the Person attainted.
The above restraint on the definition of treason entails that even were Assange an American citizen, he could not be held to be guilty of treason, since the express goal of Wikileaks' activity as regards the United States is not to make war against the United States, nor to give aid or comfort to its enemies, but variously, reform, the cessation of illegal activity within the United States government, a more informed public, a stronger press, and the adherence of the United States to the laws set out in its own Constitution, which Assange has personally cited on countless occasions.
[W]e are an organization that tries to make the world more civil and act against abusive organizations that are pushing it in the opposite direction...
So if you want to talk about the law, it's very important to remember the law is not what, not simply what, powerful people would want others to believe it is. The law is not what a general says it is. The law is not what Hillary Clinton says it is. The law is not what a bank says it is. The law, rather, is what the Supreme Court in [the] land in the end says it is, and the Supreme Court in the case of the United States has an enviable Constitution on which to base its decisions. And that Constitution comes out of a revolutionary movement and has a Bill of Rights appraised by James Madison and others that includes a nuanced understanding for the balancing of power of [the] states in relation to the government. Now, whether the Supreme Court makeup now is such that it keeps to its traditions or proposes a radical reassessment of the power of the First Amendment and the U.S. Constitution remains to be seen. However, the U.S. Espionage Act is widely viewed to be overbroad, and that is perhaps one of the reasons it has never been properly tested in the Supreme Court. I think it was maybe found to be unconstitutional and struck out. Now we understand that there are attempts by [Attorney General Eric] Holder and others in the U.S. Administration to shoehorn the Espionage Act, Section G in particular, onto legitimate press functions. Those efforts are dangerous in the sense that they may give rise to a Supreme Court challenge, which throws out the Espionage Act, or at least that section, in its entirety. If that succeeds, that will of course only be good business for WikiLeaks, because the rest of the U.S. press will be further constrained and people will simply come to us.
It is manifestly false that Julian Assange is a traitor, or that Wikileaks is engaged in activity against the United States that, were it an American entity, would render it liable to prosecution for treason.
Addendum: Some might claim that Assange might still be a traitor, since Cablegate contains sensitive diplomatic material pertaining to Australian interests. On this matter, and also the matter of whether Assange or Wikileaks have violated any Australian law, please see this article, by legal scholar Ben Saul.
While claiming to be an organization interested in global justice, Wikileaks is really a virulently anti-American organization.
This falsehood is quite straightforward. Its propagation in the media, especially the U.S. media, has vastly increased since Sunday 29 November, on which date Wikileaks began its Cablegate releases. The falsehood normally relies on a group of subsidiary falsehoods, such as the idea that "Wikileaks won't release information on China or Russia."
This falsehood is hard to trace to an original source, since its use has been so frequent. One can only point to prominent sources, and look at these as representative of, or causative of, the falsehood's popularity. In a now very famous post on her Facebook page, former governor of Alaska, and former vice presidential candidate, Sarah Palin, wrote a single short sentence which managed to include two frequent falsehoods in only ten words:
He is an anti-American operative with blood on his hands.
The substance of the allegation, though, consists in the belief that Wikileaks publishes no material on other entities. This argument has been made in the Telegraph, by George Grant.
If Assange is genuinely committed to shining light into the darkness, and exposing real corruption and human rights abuse, we must ask ourselves, where are the ‘Chinese Embassy Cables’? What has become of the ‘Iran Files’? Whither the ‘Chechnya War Logs’?...
The ... answer to this question could just as easily be, however, that Assange is not really all that interested in exposing corruption and human rights abuse at all, rather his objective is to embarrass and weaken the US and its Western allies because he hates them for what they are and what they stand for.
Following on from arguments like this, one finds the question "Why doesn't Wikileaks focus on other countries?" repeated all over the internet, with little concern over the falsehood of its premise, and little worry that it funds an inference to a new falsehood.
There are many ways to approach debunking this falsehood. One thing it is important to say from the outset: there is little reason to rely on allegation and rumour from American punditry, when there is already a thorough and articulate defense of Wikileaks' activities by its various spokespersons. We advise that even a cursory attempt to engage with Wikileaks' now plentiful literature on its own activities will comprehensively answer many of the worries raised by media personalities with a proven history of rhetorical mendacity. At the very least, criticisms of Wikileaks ought to address Wikileaks strong and intellectually penetrating arguments, and there has been very little attempt to do that by American news networks and mainstream publications.
A prominent misconception about Wikileaks is that it proactively acquires its material, and therefore must have deliberately sought material on the United States. This is false. The first thing that must be understood is that Wikileaks does not proactively acquire its leaks. Assange on the matter:
We’re totally source dependent. We get what we get. As our profile rises in a certain area, we get more in a particular area. People say, why don’t you release more leaks from the Taliban. So I say hey, help us, tell more Taliban dissidents about us.
All of Wikileaks' material has been sent to it, by insider whistleblowers, who felt that it was necessary to disclose something. Wikileaks can therefore only choose what to publish from what has already been submitted to it.
Before its old website was taken down, (a newer version can be consulted here) Wikileaks publicly stated it would only accept leaks of the following sort:
- Classified, censored, or otherwise restricted material of political, diplomatic, historical or ethical significance.
- WikiLeaks does not accept rumour, opinion, or other kinds of first hand reporting or material that is already publicly available.
- Areas of documents leaked thus far have covered government, trade, corporate, war, killings, torture, detention, suppression of free speech and free press, diplomacy, spying, counter-intelligence, ecology, climate, nature, sciences, corruption, finances, taxes, trading, censorship and internet filtering, cults, religious organizations, abuse, violence, violations.
Wikileaks agrees, therefore, to accept material that concerns more than just the United States. The organization concerns itself with a broad range of materials.
On this point, it is also worth observing that though it may have changed policy as it grew, in the past, Wikileaks proclaimed a predominant interest in 'Third World' leaks.
Our primary interest is in exposing oppressive regimes in Asia, the former Soviet bloc, Sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East, but we also expect to be of assistance to people of all regions who wish to reveal unethical behavior in their governments and corporations. We aim for maximum political impact.
Another common assumption is that Wikileaks has only published material on the United States. Given the availability of Wikileaks' previous publications, this is perhaps understandable. Nevertheless, it is false. Wikileaks' publishing history in fact bears out its stated remit of pursuing materials of signifiance to the historical record. Because of DDOS attacks and corporate webhost divestment from Wikileaks, the original MediaWiki site from which Wikileaks draws its name is no longer available (originally at wikileaks.org). A copy of that site still exists in Google Cache. There, a vast number of leaks is visible, relevant to a wide variety of corporate and national entities. A selection includes:
- CIA Red Cell Memorandum on United States "exporting terrorism", 2 Feb 2010
- ABC Foreign Correspondent video report on Thailand, 13 April 2010
- Loveparade 2010 Duisburg planning documents, 2007-2010
- WikiLeaks reveals Pentagon journalist murder-coverup in Iraq / army airstrike video, 5 Apr 2010
- U.S. Embassy profiles on Icelandic PM, Foreign Minister, Ambassador, 29 Mar 2010
- CIA report into shoring up Afghan war support in Western Europe, 11 Mar 2010
- U.S. Intelligence planned to destroy WikiLeaks, 18 Mar 2008
- Over 40 billion euro in 28167 claims made aganst the Kaupthing Bank, 23 Jan 2010
- BBC High Court Defence against Trafigura libel suit, 11 Sep 2009
- Icelandic Icesave offer to UK-NL, 25 Feb 2010
- Cryptome.org takedown: Microsoft Global Criminal Compliance Handbook, 24 Feb 2010
- Classified cable from US Embassy Reykjavik on Icesave dated 13 Jan 2010
Tiger Woods UK media gag order, 10 Dec 2009- Big Pharma inside the WHO: confidential analysis of unreleased WHO Expert Working Group draft reports, 8 Dec 2009
- Draft Copenhagen climate change agreement, 8 Dec 2009
- US Transportation Security Administration: Screening Procedures Standard Operating Procedures, 1 May 2008
- Yahoo compliance guide for law enforcement, 23 Dec 2008
- Microsoft COFEE (Computer Online Forensics Evidence Extractor) tool and documentation, Sep 2009
- Rechtsanwalt Solmecke unzensierter Blogeintrag zu Abmahnanwaelten und deren Geschaeftspraktiken, 25 Nov 2009
- WikiLeaks to release over half a million 9/11 text pager intercepts
- Toll Collect Betreibervertrag, 5 Jun 2002
- Toll Collect AGES International Kooperationsvertrag, 20 Sep 2002
- Toll Collect Sachverstaendigenvertrag Dr.-Ing. Schwerhoff, 23 May 2003
- Rechtsanwalt Seibert droht WikiLeaks mit Strafverfolgung wegen Ratiopharm Ermittlungsakte, 20 Nov 2009
- Climatic Research Unit emails, data, models, 1996-2009
- Davenport Lyons and DigiProtect Actionpoints for filesharers, 14 Jan 2009
- Davenport Lyons and Kornmeier Monetary and Working Correspondence, 19 Mar 2008
- Ermittlungsakte Landespolizeidirektion Tuebingen gegen die Ratiopharm GmbH wegen Untreue und Bestechung, 12 Mar 2008
- Controversial holocaust historian David Irving emails, Nov 2009
- EU draft council decision on sharing of banking data with the US and restructuring of SWIFT, 10 Nov 2009
- Suppressed video of Thai Crown Prince and Princess at decadent dog party
- Spring Design Inc lawsuit against Barnes and Nobles, Nov 2009
- Removed paper on Internet censorship trails in Australia, NZ, UK with NetClean Whitebox, 2009
- British National Party membership list and other information, 15 Apr 2009
- UK MoD Manual of Security Volumes 1, 2 and 3 Issue 2, JSP-440, RESTRICTED, 2389 pages, 2001
- Times TOP50 work places for women, due to appear on 7 Oct 2009, looks like a fraud, internal docs, Aurora, 2007-2009
- UK Ministry of Defence continually monitors WikiLeaks: eight reports into classified UK leaks, 29 Sep 2009
- Corruption in Norway, Ghana or both? Statoil v. BioFuel and the Kroll Inc. private intelligence report, Feb 2009
- FDP Arguliner zu Aenderungen beim Kuendigungsschutz, 8 Sep 2009
Lycos Deutschland Suchmaschinen Zensurliste- Product placement hell: Cisco "bribes" 24, CSI, House, Heroes, the Office, and more
- Yale pharmacology chair Joseph Schlessinger suppressed site exposing sexual, financial misconduct, 14 Sep 2009
Further confirmation of this publishing history is available on the Wikileaks Official Twitter feed, which records the history of Wikileaks as it developed since February 2009. An archive of this twitter feed is available here on WLcentral, which may be easier to peruse. The Twitter feed is invaluable for exploring the history of each of these leaks in great detail, as well as the fuller history of the Wikileaks organization.
The third point to consider is that 2010 has been a year of "megaleaks" with an emphasis on the United States. Why is this, if Wikileaks is not deliberately targeting the United States?
In an interview with Andy Greenberg, for Forbes, Julian Assange explains this quite reasonably.
Greenberg:To start, is it true you’re sitting on trove of unpublished documents?
Assange:Sure. That’s usually the case. As we’ve gotten more successful, there’s a gap between the speed of our publishing pipeline and the speed of our receiving submissions pipeline. Our pipeline of leaks has been increasing exponentially as our profile rises, and our ability to publish is increasing linearly...
Greenberg:You’ve been focused on the U.S. military mostly in the last year. Does that mean you have private sector-focused leaks in the works?
Assange:Yes. If you think about it, we have a publishing pipeline that’s increasing linearly, and an exponential number of leaks, so we’re in a position where we have to prioritize our resources so that the biggest impact stuff gets released first.
Greenberg:When will WikiLeaks return to its older model of more frequent leaks of smaller amounts of material?
Assange:If you look at the average number of documents we’re releasing, we’re vastly exceeding what we did last year. These are huge datasets. So it’s actually very efficient for us to do that. If you look at the number of packages, the number of packages has decreased. But if you look at the average number of documents, that’s tremendously increased.
Greenberg:So will you return to the model of higher number of targets and sources?
Assange:Yes. Though I do actually think…[pauses] These big package releases. There should be a cute name for them.
Greenberg:Megaleaks?
Assange:Megaleaks. That’s good. These megaleaks…They’re an important phenomenon, and they’re only going to increase. When there’s a tremendous dataset, covering a whole period of history or affecting a whole group of people, that’s worth specializing on and doing a unique production for each one, which is what we’ve done.
We can therefore understand that the dominant leaks of 2010, Collateral Murder, the Afghanistan and Iraq War Logs and Cablegate, were larger and of more urgency than other material in Wikileaks' possession, such that it was necessary to prioritize these leaks. This has been a consistent message throughout 2010. Assange made a similar statement during the press conference for the Afghanistan War Logs in July.
Wikileaks is on a bit of publishing hiatus in order to do significant reengineering to cope with the level of submissions we are receiving and the level of public interest in our site. It's actually a very hard engineering task to supply 2-5% of the entire world internet connected population at a single moment with material. And so we are a small organization trying to understand how to do that an do that in a secure way. As a result we have built up during that period an enormous backlog of whistleblower disclosures. Additionally after the Collateral Murder tape came out which revealed how two Reuters journalists were killed in Baghdad, along with 16-26 other people, we received a substantial increase in the number of submissions. Now we have an enormous range of material we are trying to get through and keep our promise to our sources in achieving the maximum political impact for that material. This is one of those cases. This is one of the cases of us getting through our backlog. So we have released to the public some 76000 reports from this set of material. The set itself comprises over 91000 reports. We have held back about 15000 reports of a particular type to undergo a further harm minimization review. and some of those reports will be redacted and released as soon as we are able to get through them and others will be withheld until the security situation in Afghanistan means that it is safe to release them. And by safe, I do not mean safe for military forces, I mean safe for the local population of Afghanistan.
Another important thing to note from the above quote is that Wikileaks' limited resources have been entirely occupied with the task of preparing 2010's United States leaks for publication, and that leaks with more diverse subject matter will necessarily have been postponed until these leaks have been fully published.
The final point to consider is Wikileaks' spokespeople's explicit statements about the purpose of the United States releases, and their attitude towards the United States. Wikileaks upholds founding values of the United States as inspirational to its own project, and celebrates the freedom of speech tradition consistently defended by the United States Supreme Court:
Publishing improves transparency, and this transparency creates a better society for all people. Better scrutiny leads to reduced corruption and stronger democracies in all society's institutions, including government, corporations and other organisations. A healthy, vibrant and inquisitive journalistic media plays a vital role in achieving these goals. We are part of that media.
Scrutiny requires information. Historically, information has been costly in terms of human life, human rights and economics. As a result of technical advances particularly the internet and cryptography - the risks of conveying important information can be lowered. In its landmark ruling on the Pentagon Papers, the US Supreme Court ruled that "only a free and unrestrained press can effectively expose deception in government." We agree.
Julian Assange is known to have a sophisticated view of the United States, illustrated clearly in this interview in TIME Magazine:
The United States has some immutable traditions, which, to be fair, are based on the French Revolution and the European Enlightenment. The United States' Founding Fathers took those further, and the federalism of the United States also, of relatively powerful states trying to constrain federal government from becoming too centralized. Also added some important democratic controls and understandings. So there is a lot of good that has historically come from the United States. But after World War II, during World War II, the federal government of the United States started sucking the resources to the center, and the power of states started to diminish. Interestingly, the First Amendment started overriding states' laws around that time, which I see as a function of increasing central power in the United States. I think the problems with the United States as a foreign power stem from, simply, its economic success, whereby it's, historically at least, a very rich country with a number of people and the desire left over as a result of ... Let me explain this a bit better. The U.S. saw the French Revolution and it also saw the behavior of the U.K. and the other kings and dictatorships, so it intentionally produced a very weak President. The President was, however, given a lot of power for external relations, so as time has gone by, the presidency has managed to exercise its power through its foreign affairs function. ... But as the United States has grown economically, that has led to a situation where the foreign affairs power is latched on to by central government to increase the power of the government, as opposed to state government. The U.S. is, I don't think by world standards, an exception, rather it is a very interesting case both for its abuses and for some of its founding principles.
Wikileaks consistent mission, throughout its 4 year existence, has been to promote justice through transparency and the advocacy of a strong press. These principles are consonant with founding values of Western democracy, in particular, those of the United States. Where Wikileaks has been in conflict with United States authorities over the last year, Wikileaks has advocated the values of the United States Constitution against those in the U.S. Government who would erode those values. This analysis is borne out for anyone who cares to examine the events of 2010.
In conclusion, while it is a fair observation that the predominant focus of Wikileaks' public activity in 2010 has been the United States, it is roundly untrue that this represents an anti-American agenda on the part of the organization. The idea that Wikileaks is anti-American is straightforwardly false, with reference to the fact that:
Other similar articles:MSNBC Pundits Push False Narrative On WikiLeaks’ Julian Assange
WikiLeaks' release of 09STATE15113 represents a gross failure of due diligence, presenting a list of targets for terrorist operatives, and endangering the lives of US nationals and national security.
Official attacks on WikiLeaks over 2010 have taken a twofold and often contradictory nature.
The present falsehood is the 'smoking gun' in the "sensitive information" argument, in light of the fact that WikiLeaks has an immaculate record in journalistic responsibility thus far. WikiLeaks' release of 09STATE15113 is lately the sole example raised in support of the idea that WikiLeaks endangers national security. It contains a list of sites compiled by the State Department, and designated as "critical to national security." The document is said to provide enemies of the United States with a useful list of targets.
The cable in question was released on the 5th of December, 2010. The story originally broke the next day in The Times (UK), in response to comments by Sir Malcolm Rifkind and it was the source for other articles. The Times article is behind a paywall, but it was syndicated in The Australian, for anyone who wishes to read it. From these origins, it became a global story, and a major talking point on the American news networks, mostly without any need to make actual reference to the content of the document.
The endangerment of national security assets, or lives, is likely to be exaggerated.
Concerted efforts by officials to play up the seriousness of the disclosure have been undermined by
The military intelligence database from which the present cable releases were drawn, SIPRNET, contained information with a maximum classification level of "SECRET." This is regarded as a relatively low classification. As a result, access to the documents in question was extended to individuals of a relatively low clearance level, numbering in total approximately 2.5 million people. Even non nationals were given access to SIPRNET.
As a result, it is not credible that WikiLeaks' publication (with its media partners) of 09STATE15113, or any of the other cables, discloses anything new to the foreign intelligence community, nor to well organized terrorist organizations. Defense Secretary Robert Gates' has observed, in connection with the present cable release:
Let me just offer some perspective as somebody who’s been at this a long time. Every other government in the world knows the United States government leaks like a sieve, and it has for a long time.
It emerges from a balanced appraisal of the sensitivity of the information released in Cablegate that there is little danger of disclosing anything new to foreign governments, or any organization likely to have been expending capital and effort to gain access to classified US information.
A familiarity with the realities of how espionage is conducted, which is attainable by a careful reading of the accounts of former spies like Robert Baer, recommends the following line of reasoning:
This argument, which is not conclusive by any means, still encourages us to regard the official outrage about Cablegate not as deriving from any risk that foreign intelligence agencies or terrorists have learned anything new, but that the public has been given an insight into things that a global and borderless elect would prefer it didn't know.
In general terms, it also causes us to regard with suspicion the hysterical soundbites of British, Canadian and U.S. officials reported in the press, with reference to 09STATE15113.
The above analysis is borne out in a December 12th article by STRATFOR, in which the media interest in 09STATE15113 is described as a "frenzy," concludes that "[m]edia interest aside, STRATFOR does not see this document as offering much value to militant groups planning attacks against US targets abroad."
"The sites listed in the cable," writes STRATFOR, "are either far too general, such as tin mines in China; are not high-profile enough to interest militants, such as undersea cables; or already represent well-known strategic vulnerabilities, such as the Strait of Malacca."
STRATFOR indicates that the information available in the cable is unlikely to have been unknown to any well-funded and highly organized terrorist organization, and as a result, is not nearly as sensitive as it has been reported to have been.
STRATFOR has discussed how many of the sorts of targets mentioned in the cable do not necessarily lend themselves to successful terrorist attacks...
Instead of an earth-shattering list of sites vulnerable to terrorist attacks, the list leaked this week is really a more revealing look at the inner bureaucracy and daily activities of the US security community and at how diplomats around the world contribute to assessing threats to US interests. This does not mean listed sites will not ever be attacked, but that experienced militants do not rely on DHS studies to provide targeting guidance.
The article is behind a registration wall at STRATFOR's site (which didn't work for this author), but has been syndicated by The Manilla Times, and can be read there.
The conclusion recommended by this analysis is that the disclosure of 09STATE15113 represents even less of a national security threat than the accidental publication of THE LIST OF SITES, LOCATIONS, FACILITIES, AND ACTIVITIES DECLARED TO THE INTERNATIONAL ATOMIC ENERGY AGENCY by the U.S. Government Printing Office, in June 2009.
Based on a credible analysis of the classification level of the material of which 09STATE15113 is a part, the realities of the intelligence community, the apparently lax information security of the United States military, and the informed opinions of professional analysts, it is very likely that reportage on 09STATE15113 tends towards the sensational, and that this cable does not constitute the smoking gun that critics of WikiLeaks desperately need in order to substantiate their claims that WikiLeaks "endangers national security."
ADDENDUM: There is also some merit to the idea that attacks on critical infrastructure would be a move away from the modus operandi of the global terror movement.
Where attacks such as the Madrid and London bombings, and the attacks on the 11th of September 2001, were calculated so as to kill as many civilians as possible, and to be as symbolic as possible, thereby spreading terror, and (successfully) causing the Western establishment to attack its own tradition of civil and political freedoms, attacks on infrastructural targets would appear to be rather less symbolic, stand less of a chance of massive civilian casualties, and would appear to harmonize rather more closely with what are considered legitimate forms of warfare by any major party to a war in the last 200 years.
This does not vindicate or condone any such attack; it constitutes instead a recognition that it would be rather more difficult to distinguish in kind between an Al Qaeda attack on critical infrastructural U.S. targets, and the U.S. attacks on critical infrastructure which are well documented in every major military engagement the U.S. conducted in the 20th and 21st centuries, from Vietnam through the Gulf conflicts to the ongoing war in Afghanistan. If Al Qaeda chose to target U.S. infrastructure, rather than centres of civilian activity, it would have moved away from acts of terror, and towards only slightly less reprehensible acts of war. The moral distinction between the parties to the "War on Terror" would become even less clear.
Los cables del Departamento de Estado de EEUU siguen haciéndose públicos cada día, tanto en la página central de Wikileaks como en sus miles de ‘espejos’ diseminados por la red. Es una certeza que la revelación del funcionamiento íntimo de los gobiernos corruptos de Túnez y Egipto han inspirado las transiciones democráticas que se están intentando en estos momentos. Los ciudadanos de ambos países han reaccionado al ver de manera directa y cándida las negociaciones a puerta cerrada y la corrupción opresiva de su clase política, que los reprime para satisfacer sus intereses y los de sus aliados.
En el caso particular de Egipto el escenario al que se ha llegado es en extremo complejo, algo causado mayoritariamente por ser este un país intermediario en las relaciones entre Israel y Palestina, y de manera más general en todo Oriente Medio. Ya en un cable del año 2007 (07CAIRO1417) el embajador de EEUU en Cairo dice que "la sucesión presidencial es el elefante en la habitación de la política egipcia. A pesar de los incesantes rumores nadie en todo Egipto tiene la certeza de quien va a sustituir a Mubarak, ni tampoco como esa sucesión se va a llevar a cabo”. Estos problemas son los propios de un régimen opresivo, que tiene que ejercer sus intereses en contra de la voluntad de sus ciudadanos; algo que, por su parte, el propio gobierno admite, como nos muestra otro cable de 2009 (09CAIRO1468) en el que el ex ministro Dessouki reconoce que las elecciones de 2011 representarían de manera casi segura un problema de seguridad, que, sin embargo, podría ser aplacado ya que “la sublevación no es parte del espíritu egipcio”.
La situación actual dista mucho de lo que Dessouki se imaginó. Ahora mismo, entrando ya en la tercera semana de protestas, Egipto sigue paralizado y la situación empeora; Mubarak no da la cara y a pesar de asegurar que no será candidato para las próximas elecciones todo indica que pretende orquestar el futuro gobierno desde la sombra, y que las recientes ofertas hechas por su nuevo portavoz y hombre fuerte Omar Suleiman deben su falta de concreción al motivo de su ofrecimiento, a saber, que el gobierno solo pretende ganar tiempo y hacerse fuerte. Lo cierto es que pese a la demostración evidente del desprecio de sus ciudadanos, pese a conocerse el juego sucio del gobierno, que contrató bandas de criminales encargadas de crear situaciones violentas, pese al abuso de la policía y los militares en demostraciones pacíficas, pese a la tortura de ciudadanos y los ataques a los medios de expresión independientes y a la red, los principales actores se niegan a que haya una transición democrática real. Así, cuando los EEUU le pide a Mubarak que se retire, lo hacen sabiendo que jamás van a permitir que una figura como la de Amre Moussa, jefe de la popular la Liga Árabe pueda llegar a ser Presidente y peor aún alguien del partido egipcio de la Hermandad Islámica. Egipto es demasiado valioso estratégicamente en el complejo entramado político de Oriente Medio, y los EEUU y su aliado en la zona, Israel, se verían apretados si es que lo gobernase alguien favorable a sus principales enemigos, Irán y Siria.
Esta alianza era de sobra conocida e incluso fue ratificada por la administración de Obama, sin embargo, gracias a los cables conocemos las motivaciones verdaderas detrás de las partes: en el cable 09CAIRO874, por ejemplo, se habla incluso de cifras: “la paz con Israel ha cementado el rol moderado de Egipto en las negociaciones de paz en Oriente Medio, además de dar una base política para el apoyo militar y económico de EEUU ($1.3 billones y $250 millones respectivamente)”.
En esta situación se vuelve crucial la figura del vicepresidente Omar Suleiman, ya que los cables nos cuentan sus relaciones íntimas con Israel, por lo que parece ser el elegido por los aliados para quedarse en el poder. En el cable 07CAIRO3503, se cita a Suleiman como favorable a que "el IDF (las Fuerzas de Defensa de Israel) re-invada Philadelphi (la franja de tierra en Gaza entre las fronteras de Israel y Egipto) si creen poder detener las rutas de contrabando". En otro cable de 2008, que narra una reunión con dirigentes estadounidenses republicanos y pro-Israel, Suleiman se muestra muy complaciente con sus aliados, promete colaboración total con Israel en temas de seguridad, refiriéndose al control de túneles que los habitantes de Gaza cavan para conseguir suministros del lado egipcio. También ensalza, de manera significativa "los beneficios de un periodo de calma que previene futuras inflamaciones de la emoción Palestina", algo que se parece de manera alarmante a sus actuales intentos de contener la rabia de la población egipcia con medidas populistas, como la promesa de subir en un 15% los sueldos del personal del gobierno.
La sucesión en Egipto es, a la luz de estos datos, un tema de interés internacional, que ya no afecta solo al pueblo egipcio, sino al delicado balance de poder en Oriente Medio, y en especial para la crítica situación en Gaza. Lo que está claro es que si EEUU, Israel y sus aliados logran colocar a su candidato la situación seguirá igual (09CAIRO79) y no habrá, como no ha habido hasta ahora, una verdadera negociación por la paz en Palestina por lo que todo parece indicar que los abusos continuarán. Por el otro lado, es evidente que si el maltratado pueblo egipcio realmente quiere ver los frutos de sus protestas y demandas, deberán seguir luchando para conseguir una verdadera transición de poder y no solo una pantomima orquestada por intereses político-económicos, ya que si algo hemos aprendido de los secretos de EEUU es que a los gobiernos actuales no les gusta la democracia.
Ya no queda ninguna duda de que Wikileaks está siendo atacada: amenazas directas desde el Pentágono; llamamientos al ataque militar por parte de la vieja derecha neo-conservadora, – que incluye un intento de juzgarla como espía usando una vieja ley de 1917 ; los sonados boicots de Paypal, Moneybookers, Amazon y ahora incluso Apple; la reticencia del gobierno Australiano para defender a su ciudadano (Julian Assange), el rechazo de su residencia en Suecia sin explicación alguna por parte de las autoridades, y la lista crece.
Ahora bien, aunque muchas voces han insinuado, o abiertamente declarado, que las acusaciones de violación del Sr. Assange son una faceta más de esta campaña, por su naturaleza sensible es mejor no apresurarse en llegar a conclusiones. Lo que sí es seguro es que las constantes irregularidades del caso lo hacen cuestionable, razón por la cual cada vez hay más voces expresando su preocupación por la verdadera motivación de las acusaciones. A mediados de agosto y en pleno revuelo de las filtraciones hechas por su organización sobre la guerra de Afganistán, el Sr. Assange salía casualmente con una politóloga liberal e activista sueca, Anna Ardin. Según su versión este la habría forzado sexualmente la noche del 14 de ese mes, por lo que una semana después presentó una demanda formal.
Hay que dejar claro que es perfectamente posible que el Sr. Assange haya cometido ese delito, que no hay que juzgarlo con una moralidad distinta por la estima de la que ahora goza ni por su trabajo con Wikileaks; sin embargo, la torpeza de Anna Ardin nos permite ver lo que quizá sea la verdadera naturaleza del caso, ya que en los siguientes días publicó sendos comentarios en sus cuentas de microblogging, Twitter y Bloggy, en los que exculpa claramente al Sr. Assange. Ahora bien, lo grave viene a continuación, ya que al ser alertada e inculpada por el periodista sueco Göran Rudling, Ardin borra los posts en su cuenta: ¿es acaso esta una actitud de víctima de violación, el ocultar datos objetivos relevantes y cercanos al momento del crimen? Es evidente que sus acciones hablan por sí solas. Sin embargo, y como ya hemos mencionado, lo que uno hace en Internet siempre deja algún rastro, y efectivamente Google almacena sistemáticamente imágenes de la red llamados caches; Rudling los encontró y los difundió para que no pudieran ser silenciados. (Otro dato relevante y oscuro, que invita a la especulación, es que poco después estas imágenes fueron eliminadas por Google de sus servidores, cosa que en otras ocasiones no sucede en años; por suerte era ya tarde y habían sido publicados en cientos de medios virtuales; con poca la previsible poca mención en los establecidos y masivos).
En el caso de la otra supuesta víctima, Sofia Wilen, relacionada con Ardin solamente a través del Sr. Assange, se sabe gracias a algunos comentarios de los fiscales suecos que envió SMS con la misma tendencia exculpatoria. No faltan las teorías para explicar estas discrepancias: Ardin realiza estas acciones en un arrebato de celos al descubrir que Assange no quiere una relación seria y que además mantiene una al mismo tiempo con Sofia Wilen (teoría que se justifica con su feminismo radical, desplegado en artículos como éste, basado en éste otro, en el que elucida métodos para vengarse de novios adúlteros); Ardin tiene contactos viejos con la CIA, adquiridos por su activismo anti-Castrista en la organización de las Damas de Blanco, concretamente con Luis Posadas Carriles, con el que supuestamente se encontró. Ésta última, como toda teoría conspiratoria es difícil de probar con certeza aunque las dudas permanezcan.
Los meses siguientes a la orden de arresto emitida el 21 de agosto son caóticos: el Sr. Assange entra y sale varias veces del país; Eva Finne, la fiscal general de la región no ve evidencia suficiente y ordena archivar el caso por lo que Claes Borgström, un viejo político social-demócrata, abogado de las mujeres y conocido aliado de EEUU, presiona y consigue reabrirlo en otro distrito, donde la Sra. Finne no puede intervenir; en este momento los abogados del Sr. Assange muestran la disposición de su cliente para asistir a un cuestionamiento preliminar: no hay respuesta de los fiscales; pide permiso para viajar a Inglaterra y se lo conceden; los medios mundiales hablan de fuga y vuelve a mostrarse disponible para ser cuestionados sin respuesta, entonces empieza la ‘cacería’ internacional llevada a cabo por la Interpol y magnificada la prensa; se presenta voluntariamente en la comisaria y es encarcelado en confinamiento solitario, en el juicio posterior le deniegan la libertad condicional y lo mantienen encerrado el máximo posible de días, sale luego con una fianza totalmente desproporcionada y es puesto bajo arresto domiciliario, con dispositivo de rastreo incluido, a la espera de ser extraditado no se sabe bien a donde.
Sus declaraciones el día 16 de diciembre ponen en palabras lo que ya está claro: “No escuchamos ninguna evidencia, incluso se argumentó en la corte que no es necesario producir ningún tipo de evidencia […] las acciones preliminares en Suecia fueron hechas en secreto e incluso se hizo una aplicación para que mis abogados no pudiesen hablar de estas cosas”, dijo Assange a la BBC. Es, por lo tanto, un ataque más a Wikileaks a través de su portavoz, que está siendo víctima de un ataque de ‘desinformación’ masivo en los medios tradicionales y sobre todo en la red: “Mi nombre, si lo buscas en Internet, aparece en cinco millones de páginas, cuatro millones de esas páginas están ahora asociadas a la palabra ‘violación’. Hay unas treinta y tres millones de páginas que mencionan esa palabra, así que me mencionan en más de una decima parte de todas las violaciones jamás documentadas en el Internet”. Señala además que el juicio que está siendo llevado a cabo revela “hechos preocupantes sobre Europa, por ejemplo, que cualquier persona en cualquier país europeo puede ser extraditado a cualquier otro país europeo sin ninguna evidencia”
“No suníes, no chiíes, solo bahreiní” es el cántico que se escucha ahora mismo en Manama, capital de Bahréin. Hasta ahora los enfrentamientos políticos en el país habían sido siempre motivados por diferencias entre estas dos etnias, sin embargo, desde el 14 de Febrero (25 Bahman), miembros de ambas partes, jóvenes, viejos, mujeres y niños se han unido para luchar juntos por sus derechos. Gracias a blogs y cuentas de Twitter que lograron escapar la censura del gobierno, sabemos que las protestas pacíficas que se estaban llevando a cabo en la glorieta de Lulu terminaron en una masacre de civiles: hay un número no confirmado de muertos y heridos, así como centenares de detenciones.
Asuntos Internacionales
Para entender mejor el pasado político y militar del Reino de Bahréin debemos retornar una vez más a los cables filtrados del Departamento de Estado. En 08MANAMA496, C. Henzel, Charge d’Affaires de los EEUU en Bahréin, dice que como este es “el Estado más pequeño del Golfo, históricamente ha necesitado mejores relaciones con el Occidente por motivos de seguridad que el resto de sus vecinos”. Otros cables aseguran que en 2008 los líderes de Bahréin estaban “enfocados prioritariamente en defenderse del potencial de los misiles Iraníes pero también en maximizar radares costeros”. Así, en ese mismo año “el gasto militar de EEUU en Bahréin fue de 3.9 millones USD. El Departamento de Estado presionó para incrementar ese número para el siguiente año.”
Así, cuando el Rey Hamad recibió un mensaje de Irán pidiendo colaboración para echar a las tropas extranjeras del Golfo (08MANAMA252), este prefirió jugar a dos bandas, pidiendo calma a Irán para cambiar su comportamiento mientras recibía beneficios de EEUU y aceptaba su presencia en la región (08MANAMA528). Para cerrar esta alianza, el Rey Hamad también entablo negociaciones fructíferas con el brazo corporativo de EEUU: “corporaciones estadounidenses han ganado contratos muy lucrativos en los últimos anos, incluyendo: la compra de 24 Boeing 787 Dreamliners por parte de Gulf Air, un contrato conjunto de USD 5 mil millones con Occidental Petroleum para revitalizar el campo de Awali y bastante más de USD 300 millones en ventas de armas” (09MANAMA680).
Asuntos Locales
En cuanto a la política doméstica, Bahréin ha sufrido durante mucho tiempo los enfrentamientos entre sus dos etnias dominantes, los suníes que están en el poder y son la minoría y la mayoría chií. El resultado es que la mayoría es oprimida sistemáticamente mediante la censura y varias formas de coerción social, 08MANAMA496 explica cómo se utiliza para lograr una mayor estabilidad regional: “En los últimos dos meses [el cable es de 2008] el Rey se ha separado de su tradicional estilo y ha intervenido personalmente en varias controversias nacidas de las tensiones étnicas. Él mismo ha congregado públicamente y mediante sus ministros a líderes comunales, bloggers y editores de medios de comunicación para advertirles en contra de cruzar las líneas rojas de discusión en temas como la familia real y las críticas a jueces que han sentenciado a chiíes a la cárcel por protestas pro-democracia”
Derechos Humanos y Noticias Recientes
Así, a pesar de que Bahréin es la economía que más crece en el mundo Árabe (según datos de la ONU), la forma de gobierno ha creado profundas desigualdades sociales basadas en diferencias étnicas. Según los estudios realizados por el Centro por los Derechos Humanos de Bahréin, la mitad de los ciudadanos vive bajo el umbral de la pobreza. Esta gente ha sido oprimida por el gobierno, que se ha mantenido en esta posición privilegiada mediante la represión básica de libertades. Así, cuando sus ayer los ciudadanos protestaban pacíficamente por sus derechos tras ver los éxitos de Túnez y Egipto, el gobierno decidió atacar violentamente, sin posibilidad de negociación, a la gente reunida en la rotonda de Lulu. Sabemos lo sucedido gracias a varias cuentas de Twitter que narraban los eventos. Por ejemplo @BahreinRights (cuya cuenta ha sido cerrada) decía: “Los protestantes en #lulu han sido brutalmente atacados con gas lacrimógeno y balas de goma a las 3AM mientras dormían, habían muchas mujeres y niños”; mientras que @Warchadi dijo que “la policía está atacando casas de la zona y arrestando a cientos de personas”. Los números de muertos y heridos todavía no están confirmados y lo último que se supo fue que la policía planeaba atacar un hospital cercano donde los protestantes se habían refugiado y donde habían enviado a las mujeres y a los niños. Mucha gente pedía a través de Twitter donaciones de sangre y mientras los tanques aparecían (presuntamente enviados por Saudi Arabia) la gente empezaba a temer por sus vidas.
Jueves, 17 Feb 2011, 03.52 (GMT 0)
@Dr_Murtadha: “Noticias de más de 100 heridos, los policías no dejan a los paramédicos que atiendan a los heridos. Un doctor ha sido agredido por la policía.”
Abajo están algunas imágenes que se han filtrado en Internet:
El Fiscal de la Fiscalía Especial contra la Corrupción y la Criminalidad Organizada Jose “Pepe” Grinda González, que trabajo en el proceso de Zahkar Kalashov, un vor v zakone -el rango más alto en la jerarquía de la mafia rusa-, presentó recientemente un detallado análisis de las operaciones del Gobierno Español en contra del Crimen Organizado ruso (CO) o mafia Eurasiatica en una reunión a puerta cerrada con expertos en el tema, en donde explica que considera a Rusia, Bielorrusia y Chechenia como “estados-mafia”, y señala que Ucrania sigue el mismo camino. Cable:10MADRID154.
Grinda también cita notablemente la tesis mantenida por Alexander Litvinenko, el ex agente de los servicios de inteligencia rusos, que trabajaba en temas relacionados con el CO y que murió envenenado en Londres por polonio-210 radioactivo en 2006. Litvinenko sostenía que “el Servicio de Seguridad Ruso (FSB), el Servicio de Inteligencia Extranjero (SVR) y el GRU (servicio ruso inteligencia militar) – controlan el crimen organizado en Rusia”.
El cable también menciona a Grinda diciendo que “cree que el SSR está “absorbiendo” la mafia Rusa, pero que también puede ‘eliminarla’ de dos maneras: matando a los líderes de la mafia que no hacen lo que los servicios de seguridad les piden, o encerrándolos para eliminarlos de la competición por influencia. Los jefes podrían también ser encarcelados para su propia protección”. Argumenta, además, que el “Partido Democrático Liberal (PDL) fue creado por la KGB – el viejo comité para las seguridad del estado, fuerza a la que pertenecía Vladimir Putin – y que contiene muchos criminales de gran escala. Grinda añade que existen lazos comprobados entre los partidos políticos rusos, el crimen organizado y el tráfico de armas. Sin elaborar demasiado, cita el enigmático caso del "Barco del Océano Ártico” como un “claro ejemplo de tráfico de armas”.
Según el Telegraph, Este barco estuvo desaparecido aproximadamente durante un mes en verano de 2009 y fue recuperado en la costa de África Occidental el 17 de agosto. Todo lo sucedido está envuelto en un aire de misterio, pero parece claro que el barco estaba siendo observado de cerca por el Mossad (el servicio de inteligencia israelita), que declararía luego que el barco no contenía madera, como mantenía Moscú, sino misiles S-300, el arma anti-aérea más avanzada del gobierno Ruso. Su destino final era Irán.
El crimen organizado y el gobierno ruso
En el mismo cable Grinda afirma que “tras investigar el CO durante 10-12 años había llegado a la conclusión que si bien las organizaciones terroristas intentan sustituir la esencia propia del Estado, el CO intenta convertirse en un complemento de sus estructuras”.
También dice que “el CO empieza a acumular poder económico y político cuando consigue contratos civiles legales en proyectos civiles y relacionados con la construcción de infraestructuras”. Al referirse a los altos mandos de la organización (los vor v zakone) dice que estos “no se mezclan en crímenes como el asesinato, extorsión o chantaje, sino que se concentran en actividades de mayor posición jerárquica, como la compra de altos cargos del Gobierno”.
Uno de estos altos mandos, Gennadios Petrov, principal objetivo de la Operación Troika, llevada a cabo en España (para más información sobre la Operación lee más abajo), estaba, según nos cuenta Grinda, “peligrosamente cerca” de las altas esferas del GdR. Petrov fue, de manera curiosa y sorpresiva, puesto en libertad bajo fianza por jueces Españoles, y desde el 31 de enero de 2010 está bajo arresto domiciliario.
Varios países colaboraron en la investigación, que sigue abierta, entre ellos Alemania, Suiza, Austria, Bélgica y los EEUU. También sacó a relucir la reciente colaboración del gobierno francés y, más importante aún, la falta de colaboración del Reino Unido, país en que murió el ex espia Litvinenko y que bloqueó las investigaciones pertinentes al caso.
En cuanto a la colaboración del gobierno Ruso, Grinda recuerda los esfuerzos que hizo España para arrestar a Tariel Oniani como parte de la Operación Avispa (más
información abajo). “En junio de 2005, el georgiano Oniani escapó a Rusia horas antes de que fuese arrestado en España y Rusia le hizo ciudadano en abril de 2006, a pesar de su calidad de prófugo de la justicia española. Cita este hecho como “un ejemplo de Rusia poniendo a criminales de alto rango a trabajar para sus intereses”. También alega que el Ministerio de Interior Ruso está protegiendo a Oniani incluso mientras esta encarcelado. Cuando este fue arrestado en Moscu en junio de 2009, Espana solicitó su extradición basándose en los datos recogidos por la Operación Avispa, a lo que Rusia respondió diciendo que la ciudadanía Rusa de Oniani le protege de ser extraditado.
La Operación Troika
Fue llevada a cabo en Mallorca, Málaga, Madrid y Alicante, y su objetivo principal era Gennadios Petrov y sus colaboradores más cercanos, todos de la familia criminal de Tambov-Malyshev.
El cable 09MADRID869 revela: “La Fase I de Op Troika, ejecutada en junio de 2008, resultó en el arresto de veinte líderes de la familia criminal de Tambov-Malyshev, acusados de conspiración criminal, blanqueo de dinero, falsificación de documentos y crímenes contra las finanzas publicas. Muchos de los arrestados eran “vor v zakone” o “Criminales de Ley”, el peldaño mas alto del liderazgo del crimen organizado Ruso. En particular, Gennadios Petrov, el supuesto líder, Alexander Malyshev, su consejero y Vitaly Izquilov, uno de sus tenientes, que gozaba de libertad bajo fianza después de su arresto en la Operación Avispa. Todos ellos formaban uno de los cuatro círculos criminales más grandes del mundo y el más grande de la Mafia Rusa. España sirvió como refugio de las autoridades y grupos rivales. Baltazar Garzón, el juez del Tribunal Supremo que dirigió la investigación, acusó al grupo de lavado de dinero en España proveniente de una gran variedad de actividades ilícitas, que incluían asesinatos a sueldo, ventas de drogas y armas, extorsión, coerción, chantaje y secuestros.
El diario conservador ABC reportó en julio de 2008 que el gobierno de España había grabado miles de conversaciones durante la investigación de dos años. Fuentes anónimas revelaron al diario que 230 de esas grabaciones “te pondrían los pelos de punta” por la gravedad de revelaciones sobre los acusados –especialmente Petrov- y su inmenso poder y conexión políticas, además de la cantidad de actividad criminal en Rusia llevada a cabo desde España. Más de una vez se mencionan altos oficiales del gobierno ruso para asegurar a sus socios que sus actividades criminales seguirían tal y como habían sido planeadas. La prensa sugirió en su momento que esta evidencia, extremadamente delicada, podría afectar las relaciones bilaterales entre ambos países. Además, añadieron que los detalles de la operación Troika están tan bien asegurados que sólo diez de los más altos cargos del gobierno Espanol estarían al tanto de todos.
El ABC proclama que Vladislav Retznik, un colaborador cercano de Petrov, goza de fuertes lazos con el GdR: no sólo actuaba como mano derecha de Petrov, sino que además “lo más significativo es que Retznik no es un diputado más dentro de la Duma, no sólo preside el comité legislativo de mercados financieros y es viceportavoz de su grupo parlamentario-, sino que es alguien muy próximo al primer ministro Putin y que puede presumir de la amistad del presidente del país, Dmitri Medvédev, y de la del presidente del Sberbank (primer banco ruso), German Fref, hasta hace poco titular del Ministerio de Economía y Desarrollo.”
El diario ruso Novaya Gazeta publica que “un hombre de negocios anónimo de San Petersburgo, que trató tanto con la “Malyshevskie” como con la “tambovskie” en los noventa, contó a uno de sus corresponsales que la operación española podría tener consecuencias no deseadas para ciertos miembros de la élite política y económica de Rusia. Esta fuente considera que los citados “Rusos Españoles” podrían haber estado en contacto recientemente con altos mandos de Moscú. En particular, algunos medios nombraron a Igor Sechin en relación a Ilia Traber y Gennady Petrov. Igor Sechin es el antiguo jefe delegado de la Administración del Presidente y es ahora uno de los delegados del primer ministro."
También en 09MADRID869 se menciona que “múltiples informes alegan que Moscú fue dejado fuera de la investigación Troika –cuya Fase II resultó en la detención de tres abogados en el Sur de España en Abril de 2009- por miedo a filtraciones a criminales objetivo del GdE. Moscú está interesado en conocer las pruebas exactas que tienen los españoles y ha enviado investigadores a reunirse con mandos del GdE en más de media docena de ocasiones desde los arrestos pertenecientes a la Fase I de la operación Troika. El Presidente del Gobierno, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero y el Presidente ruso Dmitri Medvedev se han reunido tres veces desde entonces, incluida la ocasión en Madrid en Marzo de 2009, cuando los dos líderes elevaron las relaciones bilaterales de los dos países a la categoría de asociación estratégica y firmaron un MoU –Memorandum of Understanding, “Memorandum de entendemiento” acerca de la cooperación en temas de CO.”
Ver http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Memorandum_of_understanding
Operación Avispa
Llevada a cabo por el Juez Fernando Andreu, colega de Baltasar Garzón, “tenía como objetivo la presencia del CO ruso, georgiano y ucraniano en España, que presuntamente blanqueaba dinero proveniente de casinos ilegales en Rusia mediante la inversión en el mercado inmobiliario español”.
La fase III de la operación, llevada a cabo en 2007, terminó con tres arrestos más, incluido el de Eduard Planells,subdelegado del Gobierno de Cataluña, por ayudar a miembros de la mafia rusa a obtener visados de trabajo para entrar legalmente en el país. Más información en El Mundo.
Del mismo cable, 09MADRID869: “Si bien oficiales del Gobierno de España (GdE) proclamaron públicamente la Operación Avispa como un éxito, informes de prensa posteriores sugieren que las autoridades tuvieron que enfrentarse a filtraciones y desbarajustes burocráticos. Zahkar Kalashov y Tariel Oniani – ciudadanos rusos de origen georgiano, principales objetivos de la Operación Avispa- fueron aparentemente alertados horas antes de la redada ocurrida en 2005 y volaron fuera del país.”
“Los servicios de seguridad rusos o una fuente corrupta en el GdE han sido citados como posibles culpables”.
Kalashov sería posteriormente arrestado en Dubai y rápidamente extraditado a España, que había presentado una orden de arresto mediante la Interpol.
Kalashov “cambió sus abogados en Diciembre de 2008. Días después uno de sus nuevos abogados, Alfonso Díaz Monux, murió por disparos de un sicario desconocido en su garaje de Madrid. De todas formas, Díaz había recibido amenazas de muerte durante casi un año por su trabajo con otro cliente.”
Como ha sido mencionado anteriormente, el GdR protegió a uno de sus ciudadanos. “Informes de prensa españoles sugieren que Madrid ha expresado interés en la extradición de Tariel Oniani, arrestado por autoridades rusas en Moscú en Junio de 2009. España ha buscado a Oniani mediante la interpol desde 2005. Aún así, XXXXXXXXXXXX sugirió a POLOFF el 17 de Agosto que Moscú no va a extraditar a Oniani a España.”
El Mundo, periódico español de centro-derecha, publicó el 6 de Julio de 2009 un reportaje exhaustivo acerca de la absoluta falta de cooperación por parte del gobierno de Gran Bretaña a la hora de detener al criminal ruso Michael Tcherney, acusado de lavar dinero en Alicante.
Tcherney había huído de Rusia en los noventa después de ser implicado en una estafa bancaria por valor de 200 millones de dólares
Como reza el cable 09MADRID1003, “Fernando Bermejo, fiscal delegado de la Fiscalía Anticorrupción de Barcelona, encargado también de casos de blanqueo de dinero, afirmó que hay una operación de lavado de dinero a gran escala afincada en Barcelona, y “muchos, muchos” miembros de la mafia Eurasiática operando en la zona. Él y Gerardo Cavero, fiscal coordinador de la Fiscalía Antidroga del Tribunal Superior de Justicia de Cataluña, sugirieron que las declaraciones públicas de altos mandos Españoles a mediados del 2008 acerca de que las redadas habían “decapitado” la mafia rusa en España se trataban de declaraciones optimistas realizadas en un momento de euforia que no reflejan la realidad.
Para detallar el nivel de involucración en negocios españoles, Grinda menciona uno de los bufetes de abogados líderes en España, Cuatrecasas: "¿Por qué Cuatrecasas defiende constantemente a miembros de la mafia rusa?". Emilio Cuatrecasas, fundador, ha negado conexión con el CO, declarando que “durante los últimos cinco años y en diferentes momentos y procedimientos, nuestro Departamento de Derecho Penal ha prestado asesoramiento y defensa jurídica a cuatro clientes, sin ninguna relación entre sí, de origen ruso o de otras ex repúblicas soviéticas" También hizo mención a otros dos clientes imputados por blanqueo de dinero, “un empresario alemán de origen ruso, y relevante miembro de la comunidad judía alemana y, el otro, un importante empresario israelí. El primero de estos clientes se encuentra en Alemania a la espera de juicio y el segundo está en Israel, país que ha denegado su extradición a España por falta de pruebas”.
En su página web se informa de la fusión con la firma portuguesa Gonçalves Pereira y de su asesoramiento a Qatar Holding en su acuerdo con Banco Santander para América Latina.
También declaran que han vuelto a la "senda del crecimiento", con una facturación el pasado año de 241,7 millones de euros.
Argentina.- Desde hace días comenzaron a tener repercusiones los cables de Wikileaks en Argentina.
El comienzo de la campaña presidencial, es un buen pretexto por parte de los medios de reflotar los mismos.
Para la prensa opositora al gobierno, estos cables le sirven para ridiculizar a los políticos que desfilan asiduamente por la Embajada de los Estados Unidos. Muchos como el jefe de Gobierno de la Ciudad de Buenos Aires, Mauricio Macri, posible candidato de la derecha a la presidencia, golpeó la puerta en su momento de la embajada para que EEUU intervenga en cuestiones de política interna, entre otros.
Ahora es el turno del ministro de Economía, Amadeo Boudou (La Nacion: Proamericano y que no se sepa) en cuya reunión con la embajadora de EEUU en la Argentina Vilma Martínez se habló de posibles negociaciones de la deuda con los holdouts, Fondo Monetario Internacional y el Club de París. Además de que el presidente Barack Obama ponga en agenda una visita al país.
No es casual esta difusión justo cuando el ministro Boudou reconoce los problemas que enfrenta el Instituto de Estadística y Censos (INDEC) encargado de transparentar la información económica y arrojar datos fieles sobre la inflación real.
Boudou se refirió que afrontar esos problemas resultaba inviable: "Implicarían un enorme costo político para el Gobierno dadas las agresivas campañas de la prensa local", aun cuando, según expuso la embajadora en el cable que obtuvo WikiLeaks y cedió a LA NACION, el ministro "reconoció la naturaleza problemática de algunas políticas del Gobierno". (La Nacion: Boudou acknowledged problems in the Indec).
Para el gobierno con respecto a los cables de Wikileaks se llamó a silencio, y trató el tema como otra “patraña mediática”. Recordamos que tanto la presidente actual Cristina Fernández de Kirchner como el ex presidente Kirchner no tuvieron ni tienen una buena relación con la prensa. Y ahora la presidenta va por la reelección.
Alexandre Lévy, Western Balkans
Des responsables français en armement ont certainement suivi le départ du Druzki, la frégate un peu vétuste que Sofia vient d'envoyer au larges des côtes libyennes dans le cadre de l'opération alliée contre le régime de Kadhafi. Car le Druzki aurait pu être une corvette de classe Gowind, l'une des quatre que la France comptait vendre à la Bulgarie au prix d'un milliard de dollars US - soit pratiquement le double du budget annuel de la défense dans ce pays. Qu'est-ce qui a fait capoter ce "contrat du siècle" inclus dans l'ambitieux partenariat stratégique entre les deux pays signé par Nicolas Sarkozy à Sofia, le 4 octobre 2007, quelques semaines après l'euphorie de la libération des infirmières bulgares?
A lire les télégrammes diplomatiques américains de cette époque, révélés par les sites Bivol et BalkanLeaks , les partenaires locaux de WikiLeaks (cf. infra), il apparaît que les Bulgares ont surtout voulu temporiser, soufflant le chaud et le froid, dans le but de ne pas froisser Paris qui a joué un rôle actif dans la libération des infirmières. Beaucoup de responsables bulgares, y compris des militaires de haut rang, ne sont pas dupes : ils considèrent dès le départ cette acquisition comme vouée à l'échec, ces corvettes françaises dernier cri étant considérées comme un luxe inutile pour la marine bulgare.
Mais, plus que tout, la lecture de ces câbles illustre les efforts que Washington déploie pour dissuader les Bulgares d'honorer ce contrat contraire, selon eux, aux intérêts stratégiques de Sofia. Et surtout, des Etats-Unis, qui font un intense lobbying en faveur de l'achat par la Bulgarie de matériel américain d'occasion - notamment des avions de combat multifonctions.
Réformes bulgares, opportunités américaines
Dans un télégramme daté du 29 octobre 2007, l'ambassadeur John Beyrle estime que les mesures entreprises par le gouvernement bulgare pour réformer les forces armées du pays sont une "opportunité importante" pour les Etats-Unis. Il définit aussi quelles sont les priorités américaines : encourager la Bulgarie, qui possède des moyens "très limités", d'investir dans son armée de terre (véhicules blindés, communications et armes légères) et d'éviter à tout prix l'achat de matériel neuf et coûteux pour l'aviation et la marine. L'intérêt américain est double : améliorer, d'une part, la "compatibilité" des forces bulgares lors des opérations communes avec l'US Army et l'Alliance atlantique (OTAN). Et, d'autre part, tenter de remporter le marché de la modernisation de l'Armée de l'air en proposant à la Bulgarie des modèles plus anciens mais "tout à fait fiables" de ses avions de combat F-16 et F-18. Pour cela, les diplomates américains doivent convaincre les Bulgares de renoncer aux propositions européennes : Eurofighter et, surtout, le suédois Gripen, qui proposent des appareils neufs mais (très) chers.
Concernant la marine, les recommandations de l'ambassadeur américain sont encore plus claires et définitives : "Nous allons continuer à alerter les Bulgares contre la dépense massive que constitue l'acquisition des corvettes françaises". Dans ce domaine, Washington considère que Sofia devrait plutôt se tourner vers le marché d'occasion pour acheter des navires de "capacité intermédiaire" qui permettraient à sa flotte de remplir les missions modestes auxquelles elle est destinée. Aussi, ce sont les Américains qui vont encourager la Bulgarie à acquérir plusieurs frégates de type Wielingen à la Belgique - dont le Druzki en 2005 - qui ont l'immense avantage aussi d'être des dizaines de fois moins chers (les Bulgares ont déboursé 23 millions d'euros pour le Druzki, puis 54 millions pour trois autres navires, deux frégates et un démineur, en 2007).
Des corvettes françaises chères et inutiles
Le 18 septembre 2007, l'ambassade américaine consacre un télégramme entier aux corvettes françaises. Le câble du chargé d'affaires Alex Karagiannis relate les confidences de certains hauts responsables militaires bulgares qui estiment que ce contrat avec la France peut faire "dérailler" tout le processus de modernisation de l'armée. Ces derniers soulignent aussi que cet achat, dicté "uniquement par des considérations politiques" ne "répond pas à des besoins opérationnels précis". Ils rappellent aussi que le coût des corvettes risque de déséquilibrer durablement le budget de la défense privant ainsi de fonds pendant plusieurs années d'autres secteurs de l'armée. Le diplomate américain cite aussi les propos d'Ilko Dimitrov, le vice-Président de la Commission de la défense au Parlement, qui rappelle que le gouvernement français et l'entreprise Armaris (filiale pour l'export de DCN et de Thalès) disposent de puissants relais dans le pays. Un autre contact au ministère de la Défense de l'ambassade signale que certains responsables bulgares pourraient bénéficier à titre personnel de ce contrat, suggérant l'existence de commissions ou d'autres avantages matériels. Cette source "ne va pas jusqu'à demander une intervention de Washington dans ce dossier", note l'auteur du télégramme, mais souligne que seule "l'intervention d'une instance supérieure" peut désormais arrêter ce "deal".
Toutes ces craintes sont exprimées à quelques jours de la visite de Nicolas Sarkozy à Sofia, le 4 octobre 2007 ; aux dires de tous, le Président français vient récolter les fruits de son engagement - et surtout celui de son épouse de l'époque, Cécilia - dans l'affaire des infirmières bulgares, ramenées au pays par un avion de la République française le 24 juillet 2007 après huit années de détention dans les geôles de Kadhafi. Ce contrat est un peu la cerise sur le gâteau dans l'accord de partenariat stratégique que les deux pays s'apprêtent à signer lors de la visite de Sarkozy en Bulgarie. Dans sa conclusion, le diplomate américain tente néanmoins de dédramatiser cette échéance, en rappelant que les Bulgares sont passés maîtres dans l'art de signer des accords ambitieux qu'ils ne comptent pas honorer...
Le double jeu de Sofia, l'influence de Moscou
Malgré leurs promesses faites à Nicolas Sarkozy à Sofia, les Bulgares maintiennent le suspense sur l'achat des corvettes, multipliant les déclarations contradictoires. Tout comme sur leur choix d'avion de combat d'ailleurs. Dans un autre télégramme, daté du 11 février 2008 , l'ambassade américaine rend compte de la poursuite des réformes dans l'armée bulgare (notamment la diminution drastique des effectifs), mais constate aussi que la Bulgarie évite de trancher sur ces deux sujets, jugés parmi les plus "controversés". Mais pour la diplomatie américaine, ce n'est pas une raison pour baisser les bras : il faut redoubler d'efforts pour tenter de dissuader Sofia d'engager des dépenses qui hypothéqueraient les capacités bulgares d'acquérir des chasseurs américains.
Deux autres télégrammes de 2008, du 14 mai et du 3 juillet, éclairent un peu plus les motivations américaines. Le premier , entièrement consacré à l'Armée de l'air bulgare, est intitulé : "La Bulgarie a besoin de l'aide américaine pour se libérer de la dépendance russe". Signé par l'ambassadeur Beyrle, le câble constate que l'aviation militaire bulgare a un besoin urgent de modernisation - or cette modernisation est impossible tant que la Bulgarie utilise la technologie russe. "L'utilisation d'appareils russes obsolètes ne limite pas seulement l'action aérienne de la Bulgarie mais perpétue sa dépendance vis-à-vis de la Russie pour ce qui concerne leur maintenance", écrit l'ambassadeur. "Ne rien faire c'est encourager la Russie, qui est déjà en position dominante dans le secteur de l'énergie, à continuer à exercer son contrôle sur des secteurs importants de la défense bulgare", conclut Beyrle.
Le 3 juillet , c'est le chargé d'affaire Karagiannis qui prend de nouveau la plume pour faire le point sur le sujet. Son câble fait suite à la visite à Washington du Premier ministre bulgare de l'époque, le socialiste Sergueï Stanichev qui y a rencontré le président Bush et le secrétaire à la Défense Gates. Cette fois-ci, on comprend de façon explicite le lien de concurrence entre les avions de chasse américains et les corvettes françaises : vu les capacités limitées du budget bulgare, c'est soit les uns, soit les autres. Et, logiquement, les Américains continuent de faire du lobbying auprès des Bulgares pour les faire renoncer aux corvettes, ou au moins, à repousser leur achat pour réformer en priorité l'Armée de l'air.
Epilogue : la "vengeance" de Paris
Retour en 2007. Le 4 juillet, le président Sarkozy reçoit à Paris le Premier ministre bulgare Sergueï Stanichev. Désormais, il n'est plus question de quatre mais de deux corvettes ; par conséquent, le prix est aussi divisé par deux. Pendant encore un an, le gouvernement socialiste de Sergueï Stanichev réussit à "contenir l'intense pression" exercée par la France, constate la diplomatie américaine. Et cela malgré les promesses d'Armaris de délocaliser la fabrication de ses corvettes en Bulgarie, dans le port de Varna, que la société française transformerait à terme en un centre régional de construction navale militaire qui produirait aussi des corvettes Gowind destinées à l'exportation. Une opération qui se traduirait par des retombées financières très importantes pour l'économie bulgare et la création de milliers d'emplois. Mais le gouvernement bulgare temporise encore - des élections législatives approchent et les socialistes de Stanichev sont donnés perdants. Au moins, ce ne seront pas eux qui auront dit "non" aux Français...
A partir de juillet 2009, c'est effectivement le gouvernement de centre-droit de Boïko Borissov qui hérite de cet épineux dossier. Très pro-américain, ce dernier s'empresse de dénoncer "cette patate chaude" laissée par ses prédécesseurs. Finalement, le 12 octobre à Paris, lors d'un "entretien entre hommes", le nouveau Premier ministre bulgare annonce sa décision au locataire de l'Elysée : la Bulgarie ne pourra pas honorer ses engagements. Et, même si pour les officiels français, ce contrat est simplement "suspendu", à Sofia on semble avoir tourné définitivement la page des corvettes françaises.
Ce choix aura un prix pour les Bulgares. A en croire Boïko Borissov, c'est à cause de cette affaire que la France a décidé de bloquer l'adhésion de son pays à l'espace de libre circulation Schengen en avril 2011. "Il s'agit de centaines de millions d'euros de perdus pour les Français, vous croyez qu'ils vont passer facilement l'éponge ?", s'est-il interrogé devant le Parlement qui lui demandait récemment des comptes sur l'échec de son gouvernement à rassurer ses partenaires européens. Une interprétation qui a fait beaucoup rire les diplomates français en poste à Sofia. Officiellement, la France et l'Allemagne ont jugé "prématurée" l'entrée de la Bulgarie dans l'espace Schengen à cause des ratés dans la lutte contre la criminalité organisée et la corruption ; des failles dans la surveillance des frontières aussi.
Enfin, le choix des frégates belges d'occasion, encouragé par les Américains, a également causé quelques sérieux ennuis techniques aux responsables militaires bulgares. Malgré l'importante révision effectuée par les Belges du Druzki avant sa vente en 2005, ce navire a nécessité de nombreuses réparations récentes en Bulgarie- dont celle du radar - pour pouvoir participer à l'opération alliée en Libye. Comme souvent avec le matériel d'occasion, l'entretien des navires belges s'est révélé très coûteux. Les Bulgares se sont aussi rendus compte que leur port d'attache, Bourgas, ne disposait pas de transformateur électrique spécifique (triphasé) capable de les alimenter en courant, ce qui rendait leur fonctionnement impossible. Alors, depuis leur arrivée en Bulgarie, les quatre navires sont obligés de faire tourner, jour et nuit, leurs générateurs fonctionnant au fioul qui consomment quelques 50 litres par heure, soit 30 tonnes par mois. Une dépense que ni les marins bulgares - ni leurs bonnes fées américaines n'avaient prévue...
FIN
Le précédent des hélicoptères Cougar
La diplomatie américaine s'inquiète régulièrement du manque de transparence dans les procédures d'achat d'équipements militaires par la Bulgarie - surtout lorsque le marché leur échappe. Ainsi, en 2005 le constructeur américain Sikorsky se retrouve sur la paille après que le gouvernement bulgare décide d'acheter 18 hélicoptères (12 Cougar et 6 Panthères) pour 400 millions de dollars US à Eurocopter, une filiale d'EADS. L'ambassadeur américain de l'époque, James Pardew, prend alors la plume pour protester auprès du ministre de la Défense bulgare, Nikolaï Svinarov, contre les conditions dans lesquelles s'est déroulé l'appel d'offres. Une procédure qu'il qualifie de "jouée d'avance" dans un télégramme adressé le 31 janvier 2005 à Washington. Il insiste pour que le secrétaire à la Défense américain, Donald Rumsfeld, soulève la question avec son homologue bulgare dans des termes très durs. "Votre décision d'acquérir des appareils d'Eurocopter a été le résultat d'un appel d'offres tronqué et opaque", suggère-t-il comme "éléments de langage" à Rumsfeld. "L'affaire des Cougar" n'inquiète pas seulement l'ambassadeur américain : des années plus tard, des soupçons de corruption et de pressions politiques planent toujours sur cette acquisition qui grève sérieusement le budget de la défense. Des 18 hélicoptères prévus initialement, la Bulgarie n'en a réceptionné que douze - et la plupart ne sont toujours pas payés. En 2011, le pays n'a que quatre Cougar en état de voler, l'entretien de ces machines s'étant révélé trop cher ; idem pour leur armement. Dans les milieux militaires, on dit régulièrement que c'est à cause de cette dépense inconsidérée que la Bulgarie n'a toujours pas pu se doter d'avions de chasse modernes - ce qui explique un peu plus la colère de Washington. Au jour d'aujourd'hui, Sofia n'a toujours pas arrêté son choix d'appareil malgré l'intense lobbying des Américains qui ne cessent d'œuvrer pour vanter les qualités de leurs F-16 et F-18 d'occasion.
"Brasil vê Dinah Shelton de maneira muito favorável, mas pode ter que votar em outro candidato para pagar obrigações adquiridas em outra eleição." (09BRASILIA422)
Um relatório do dia 2 de Abril de 2009, chancelado pela Embaixada Estado-unidense em Brasília, enviado à Secretaria de Estado dos Estados Unidos explica a situação da representação brasileira na OAS (Organização dos Estados Americanos com sede em Washington, fundada em 1951 para promover paz, justiça, solidariedade e colaboração entre os países americanos) nas eleições daquele ano para a Comissão de Direitos Humanos.
O documento entitulado 'Promovendo a candidata estado-unidense para a Comissão de Direitos Humanos da OAS' aponta que Marcia Adorno, chefe da divisão de Direitos Humanos do Ministério do Exterior Brasileiro, no dia 2 daquele mês reconheceu que estava familiarizada com o impressionante currículo da candidata norte-americana Dinah Shelton.
No entanto, Adorno reconheceu que maquinações pendentes com outros três países para eleger o juiz brasileiro Antonio Augusto Cançado Trindade para a Corte Internacional de Justiça (sediada em Hague, Holanda, em atividade desde 1945, e orgão judiciário principal das Nações Unidas) no mês anterior, não a possibilitavam fornecer uma resposta naquele momento. Cançado, de 1999 a 2003, havia sido presidente da mesma Corte Direitos Humanos da OAS.
Segundo o telegrama, "Adorno disse que a decisão final do voto seria realizada num escalão superior e que ela estaria apta a avisar-nos [Diplomacia estado-unidense] do plano de voto deles [alto escalão da diplomacia brasileira] em aproximadamente 15 dias antes da assembléia geral em Junho [2009]. Ela explicou que eles irão considerar a Professora Shelton e que ela[Marcia Adorno] espera que eles irão apoiá-la" (09BRASILIA422).
O mesmo tipo diálogo foi realizado entre os EUA e representantes de outros países membros da OAS na época, sendo parte da campanha diplomática de promover a candidatura da professora de Direito Internacional da Universidade de Washington. Sabe-se que Bahamas teria já compromissos com Argentina, Colombia e México para aquelas eleições (09NASSAU232). Por outra parte, o Canadá apoiava a candidata (09OTTAWA306).
Naquele ano, Shelton foi eleita para a Comissão de Direitos Humanos da OAS juntamente com Rodrigo Escobar Gil (Colômbia) e José de Jesús Orozco Henríquez (México).
O Sahara Ocidental é um território em disputa desde a década de 60 no norte da África, desde lá sendo palco de diversos conflitos. A área disputada localiza-se numa região no Sul do Marrocos, fazendo fronteira também com a Argélia e a Mauritânia. Na área de Tindouf, no sudoeste da Argélia, estão campos de refúgio da população Saaráui operados pela Polisario.
A Frente Popular de Liberação de Saguía-Hamra e Rio de Ouro, POLISARIO, www.saharalibre.es, é um movimento para a independência do Saara Ocidental ante o Marrocos. Constituída oficialmente em Maio de 1973 para forçar o fim da colonização espanhola, é uma derivação de organizações existentes desde os anos 50 na região. Desde 1979, a organização com sede em Tindouf é reconhecida pelas Nações Unidas desde 1979 como representante do povo do Saara Ocidental.
Telegramas recentemente divulgados pela organização Wikileaks denunciam extensa corrupção, violação de direitos humanos e de informação por parte da POLISARIO. O documento 09ALGIERS1117 aponta que "Contatos da Embaixada[Estado-unidense] com a UNHCR e ONGs Americanas trabalhando nos campos da Polisario perto de Tindouf dizem que indivíduos Saaráuis estiveram envolvidos em atividades de contrabando, mas o "governo" da Polisario pune severamente qualquer um que é pego traficando pessoas ou armas que poderiam ajudar terroristas". O mesmo documento reafirma posteriormente que "A Frente da Polisario responde violentamente a qualquer envolvimento com tráfico de armas, pessoas ou drogas".
Para controlar este tipo de atividade, a Polisario tem tomado medidas que não se encaixam em nenhum tipo de conduta aceitável por padrões mínimos de preservação de direitos humanos. Em 2008, o governo argelino detectou "três ou quatro" veículos 4x4 que supostamente estariam contrabandeando desde a Mauritania para uma base da Al-Qaeda no sul de Tindouf. "Com a aprovação da Polisario, dois helicópteros algelinos abriram fogo sobre os veículos para mandar aos Saaráuis e Argelinos a mensagem de não engajar-se em negócios similares".
Em outro caso, o mesmo contato afirmou aos oficiais estado-unidenses que um espanhol teria pagado alguns Saaráuis para resgatar sua "namorada" de 14 anos dos campos do Saara Ocidental pela Mauritânia "e disse que quando o Governo Sahrawi descobriu, todos os envolvidos foram severamente punidos e jogados numa "prisão escura"."
No entanto, Polisario não adota esta conduta em todos os casos, mas parece ter outro tipo de comportamento quando lhe convém. O mesmo documento aponta que um informante "disse que a Argélia e a Polisario fazem vista grossa para o contrabando de produtos como cigarro e diesel, e que a parte oriental de Tindouf é conhecida como "Kandahar"[cidade do Afeganistão famosa por não ter lei] por conta do mercado negro de produtos contrabandeados de lá". Seguindo, o mesmo contato afirma que "Os locais vêem a fronteira como artificial e que há muita corrupção e contrabando nos dois lados da fronteira Argélia-Marrocos".
Segundo o mesmo documento, a Polisario estaria preocupada com a presença de "extremismo" na área. Para combatê-lo, uma das práticas adotadas é a censura de conteúdo na internet. Um contato explicou aos oficiais dos Estados Unidos que "há um internet café em cada um dos quatro campos de refugiados onde os refugiados podem ver quase qualquer coisa na internet, incluindo pornografia e notícias do Marrocos, mas não website extremistas. Ele disse que qualquer um pego fazendo isso era separado para interrogatório e então monitorado de perto".
Nesta área, o Governo Argelino cede a administração dos campos de refugiados à Polisario. O mesmo informante garante que "os Saaráuis [leia-se Polisario] mostram aos visitantes os campos melhor organizados e com melhores condições de vida. Smara e Awser são os melhores campos, enquanto Dakhla tem as piores condições. O hospital de Dakhla tem apenas dois médicos, duas horas de eletricidade por dia e duas land cruisers que servem de ambulâncias e várias outras coisas. XXXXXXXXXX disse que os refugiados não recebem suficiente ajuda na alimentação e sofrem de problemas de saúde oriundos da repetitiva dieta da mesma comida doada por décadas".
Em toda a história do conflito e até agora, o Saara Ocidental sofre de diversos abusos em direitos humanos. Várias organizações têm denunciado estas violações, como a Amnestia Internacional, Human Rights Watch e o Comitê Internacional da Cruz Vermelha.
В края на декември 2010 г. сайтът Wikileaks даде начало на скандала Cablegate: публикацията на 251 287 секретни американски дипломатически телеграми. До този момент в сайта са публикувани 5000 телеграми или около 2% от цялата база. Осем от публикуваните до момента телеграми са от американското посолство в София.
Общо в базата данни на Wikileaks има 978 дипломатически телеграми от посолството на САЩ в София. В още 66 грами от други посолства се среща етикетът Bulgaria.
На 1 декември 2010 г. Гардиън публикува в сайта си дипломатическа телеграма на американското посолство в София за организираната престъпност в България.
На 7 декември 2010 Монд публикува обзорен материал за влиянието на руската мафия в Европа, в който също се цитира грамата, подписана от посланик Джеймс Пардю.
От статията в Монд научаваме също, че има и друга телеграма датирана от 11 септември 2009 г., която също е посветена на българската организирана престъпност. В нея има раздел "Руска връзка", където се коментира представителят на Майкъл Чорни в България – адвокатът Тодор Батков. Посолството подчертава неговите солидни политически връзки и факта, че през 2008 г. е награден от президента Георги Първанов с най-високото държавно отличие орден „Стара планина”.
Десет дни след публикацията в Монд, на 17 декември 2010 в сайта на Wikileaks беше публикуван цензурираният от Гардиън текст на дипломатическата телеграма от 7 юли 2005, подписана от посланик Джеймс Пардю.
Текстът на телеграмата от септември 2009 така и не видя бял свят и до този момент единствено журналистите от изданията акредитирани от Wikileaks са запознати с него.
Защо Гардиън и Монд скриха информацията за престъпността в България?
Както е известно, политиката на Wikileaks е да не публикува изцяло оригиналните текстове от тези телеграми, а да публикува цензурирани варианти подадени от екипите на партньорските медии след като се запознаят със съдържанието на документите. По този начин медии, които са известни със своя професионализъм и добра репутация гарантират, че в публикациите няма да се появят имена на информатори и трети лица, които да бъдат застрашени от разкриването на самоличността им.
Wikileaks са избрали този модел, за да не излагат на опасност живота на агенти на разузнаването и информатори, както се случи след публикуването на материали за военната операция на САЩ и съюзниците в Афганистан. Тогава дори принципни защитници на свободата на словото като "Репортери без граници" отправиха остри и основателни критики към Джулиан Асанж.
Прави впечатление, че в публикуваната грама от 7 юли 2005 г. разделът "Кой кой е в българската организирана престъпност" изобилства от цензурирани пасажи. Може само да гадаем за причините, поради които журналистите от Гардиън са скрили лица и фирми, за които посолството смята, че са част от организираната престъпност. Имената на тези лица и фирми, както и информациите за предполагаеми връзки с организираната престъпност не са нови за българската и световната публика.
В грамата се говори също за финансиране на предизборната кампания на политическа сила през 2001 г., но е заличено името на въпросната политическа сила. Заличени са и имена на градове, за които се твърди, че са контролирани от организираната престъпност. Не е ясно какво точно застрашава въпросните предполагаеми фигури от криминалния свят и свързаните с тях политици, ако имената им бъдат публикувани. Очевидно е, че те самите не са били информатори на Пардю, за да бъдат закриляни по този начин. Още по-трудно ни е да се ориентираме в причините за скриване на цяла грама, както в случая с публикацията в Монд.
Прикриването на тази информация не помага на усилията за повече прозрачност и гражданска нетърпимост към обвързаностите между подземния свят и властта. Има противоречие с основната идея на Wikileaks – да се дава публичност на документи, скриващи от обществото язвите на организираната престъпност, корупцията, мръсните сделки на властта и връзките на политически фигури с тях.
Би било жалко ако се окаже, че журналисти от реномирани световни медии се отнасят с предоставената безплатно от Wikileaks информация като със стока, чиято стойност зависи от подбора на момента, в който да бъде пласирана на пазара. Факт е, че неотдавна в София се появи специален пратеник на Монд. Петр Смолар се срещна с журналистите от в. Галерия, взе интервю от все още държания под домашен арест Алексей Петров и написа голяма статия за конфликта между премиера Бойко Борисов и Алексей Петров, с подробности около скандала с подслушването със специални разузнавателни средства (СРС).
Защо публикуваме този текст?
Биволъ се сдоби с нецензурирания текст на телеграмата на Джеймс Пардю от 07.07.2005. Той ни беше предоставен от списанието "Русский Репортер", което подготвя публикация за влиянието на руската мафия в България с молба да проверим автентичността на имената и събитията и да предоставим коментари за съдбата на знаковите босове на организираната престъпност, цитирани в грамата.
Държим да уточним, че нямаме никакви договорни и финансови отношения с "Русский репортер", неговите собственици и неговите източници на информация. Професионалните ни контакти се изчерпват с работата по този конкретен случай: обобщаване и предоставяне на фактологическа информация и на нашия редакционен анализ на грамата.
Автентичността на грамата беше потвърдена и от друг източник - норвежкия вестник Aftenposten, който има независим достъп до всички дипломатически телеграми изтекли в Wikileaks.
Много внимателно прегледахме целия текст и не открихме в него нито едно име на лице, което трябва да бъде скрито от съображения за неговата сигурност, защото е предоставяло информация за организираната престъпност на американското посолство.
Ние като журналисти не можем да се подпишем под твърденията за съпричастност на цитираните лица и фирми към престъпна дейност, както е направил посланик Пардю, разполагащ с източници и методи за събиране на информация, които вероятно далеч надхвърлят възможностите на журналистиката.
Но както читателите ще се убедят сами, в грамата става въпрос за пълното окупиране на държавата от организираната престъпност - ни повече, ни по-малко. Тя от своя страна има директна връзка с остатъците от ДС и съветските служби, връзка, която без да изпадаме в конспиративни теории дава доказателства за жизненост и до ден днешен.
Българите трябва да узнаят какво пише в грамата, тъй като предстои подписване на изключително спорни от икономическа и стратегическа гледна точка проекти с руските монополисти в енергетиката: Южен Поток и АЕЦ "Белене".
Тези проекти бяха прокарани и защитавани от НДСВ (решението за АЕЦ "Белене" беше взето лично от Симеон Сакскобургготски още в началото на неговия мандат), от БСП и от Президента.
Посланик Пардю пише през 2005 г., че лица свързани с организираната престъпност и същевременно свързани с руските финансови и икономически интереси в енергетиката, са финансирали политически кампании на НДСВ, БСП и президента Първанов, за да запазят позициите си. Имената им са изписани черно на бяло в грамата.
Също така научаваме, че близки до премиера Борисов олигарси са считани от американските ни съюзници за близки до руската организирана престъпност и до руското разузнаване.
Вижда се, че финансовото влияние от тези среди не е изолирано явление, а се възпроизвежда в политическия цикъл. Има реална опасност то да бъде фактор и на предстоящите избори за президент и местна власт. Избирателите имат право да знаят как, от кого и с какви цели се трансформира и използва гласуваното от тях доверие.
Ето защо, оценявайки наличната информация от гледна точка на преобладаващия обществен интерес ние считаме, че е редно да бъде публикуван пълният, нецензуриран текст на телеграмата. За по-голям отзвук го предоставихме на сайта Balkanleaks.
Анализът на посланик Пардю
Както неведнъж беше казвано за информацията от секретните американски дипломатически телеграми: в тях няма нищо ново. За сметка на това добре известното старо е поднесено много подробно и систематизирано. Новото в случая е, че знаем как един от най-успешните американски дипломати анализира ситуацията с организираната престъпност в България.
Може би най-важният извод е, че в грамата е очертан подробно цикълът на възпроизводство на мафията, съвпадащ с политическия цикъл: мръсни пари - политически кампании - конструиране на политически институции след изборите - създаване на правила, удобни за пране на пари, легализиране на престъпния бизнес и неговото разрастване.
Цитирани са конкретни имена на хора и фирми, които и днес фактически притежават и управляват значителни активи в България. Разгледана е симбиозата на престъпността и властта чрез финансиране на предизборните кампании на конкретни политическите сили: НДСВ от Васил Божков и Емил Кюлев през 2001 г., Георги Първанов същата година от Емил Кюлев, НДСВ и БСП през 2005 г. от Васил Божков, Емил Кюлев и Сашо Дончев.
Отбелязана е тенденцията лица произлезли от средите на организираната престъпност да влизат директно в политиката на национално ниво или да контролират пряко местната власт. Тенденция, която както е известно се усилва през следващите години. Може би върхът на този цинизъм ще бъде вероятната кандидатура за президент на Алексей Петров, следствен за рекет и изнудване.
Подчертана е приемствеността между престъпните комунистически репресивни служби и фигури на българската организирана престъпност. В началото на прехода освен добилите известност борци, гребци и други спортисти от комунистическите школи, в организираните престъпни групи влязоха бивши остриета на репресивната система - барети, тюлени и други специални части, възпитавани и готвени не за борба с някакъв външен враг, а за да пазят помазниците на режима от гнева на българския народ. Споменатият Алексей Петров, който е бивша барета, както и неговият съдружник Златомир Иванов - Баретата са само два от примерите.
ТИМ - номер едно на организираната престъпност според Пардю
Под номер едно в "Кой кой е в организираната престъпност в България" Пардю поставя групировката ТИМ, която подобно на бившата Мултигруп се стреми да проникне във всички сектори на легалния и нелегалния бизнес. Днес думите на посланик Пардю, че "изгряващата звезда" на бизнес империята на ТИМ e най-сериозното притеснение за българската икономика са особено актуални.
При управлението на ГЕРБ, свързани с ТИМ фирми налагат необезпокоявано картелни цени на зърното, а оттам – на хляба и олиото, което по същество е пладнешки грабеж, засягащ всеки български гражданин, но кой знае защо този монопол не е преследван съгласно антимонополното законодателство. Парите от контролираните от ТИМ пенсионни фондове „Съгласие” и „Сила” се преливат към друг бизнес на групата, а контролните органи дискретно си затварят очите за тези незаконни трансфери.
На фона на всичко това скандалният проект на ТИМ "Алея първа", споменат и в грамата, изглежда почти безобидно бизнес начинание, но фокусира общественото внимание върху отношението на ГЕРБ към варненската групировка. Факт е, че Бойко Борисов и Цветан Цветанов упорито отказват да коментират всичко свързано с ТИМ, както е факт, че депутатът от ГЕРБ Емил Радев е бивш "тюлен" и колега на шефовете на ТИМ, служил заедно с тях в секретното поделение "Тихина". Същият лобира за закриване на достъпа до Търговския регистър, което ще затрудни разследващите журналисти, търсещи информация за престъпните групировки и техния легален бизнес.
Наистина, през 2005 г. посланик Пардю няма как да знае, че ТИМ ще придобие най-голямата си мощ при управлението на ГЕРБ, дошло със заканата да скъса връзките на властта с организираната престъпност. В случая с ТИМ става точно обратното - връзките се заздравяват. И тези връзки не са от вчера. Документите от Търговския регистър показват, че премиерът Бойко Борисов е бил съсобственик с Румен Николов - Пашата от СИК и Иво Каменов от ТИМ във фирма, произвеждаща контрабандно цигари през 1995 г.
Безизходица в борбата с организираната престъпност
През ноември миналата година вестник "Ню Йорк таймс" отбеляза безизходицата във връзка с организираната престъпност след оправдателните присъди на братя Галеви и освобождаването от ареста на Баретата.
Към този момент още не беше известно, че "Октоподът" Алексей Петров също ще излезе пуснат на свобода, най-вече поради неспособността на прокуратурата да защити обвиненията в съда. Така най-гръмката акция, която властта изтъкваше като знакова за волята и да се бори с мафията започна да се превръща във фарс. Тази безизходица има няколко конкретни причини:
Безпомощна съдебна система
Усещането за безизходица се засилва и от впечатлението за безпомощност на прокуратурата. Като че ли нарочно обвинителите допускат груби грешки в обвинителните актове по знакови дела, бавят и провалят процесите, а връзките на прокурори с лица от подземния свят са обществена тайна. Конкретен пример е новината, че рано сутринта в дома на прокурор Първолета Никова, работила делото на оправданите братя Галеви е арестуван издирван от полицията гангстер? Висшият съдебен съвет обаче не смята това съжителство за укоримо и проблемно за престижа на съдебната власт. Случаят с лобиста Красьо "Черничкия" показа грозни обвързаности на магистрати с бизнеса и политиците, но не се стигна до разследване и обвинения за търговия с влияние. Въпреки несекващите призиви в докладите от Брюксел, същинската реформа в съдебната система изглежда все по-проблемна и невероятна.
Държавна сигурност на всеки километър
Друг деморализиращ момент е масивното присъствие на бивши кадри на ДС в службите за сигурност, оцеляващи при всяка власт поради липса на политическа воля за пълна лустрация.
При комунистическия режим именно кадрите на ДС изпълняваха държавната политика за организиране и покровителстване на престъпни дейности като производство и трафик на наркотици, пране на пари, финансиране на терористични организации и физическо елиминиране на дисиденти на режима.
С идването на власт на президента Първанов, оказал се сътрудник на комунистическата Държавна сигурност под тайното име "Гоце", в днешните служби за сигурност бяха върнати много бивши служители на ДС.
Тази своеобразна реставрация продължи и след като Румен Петков стана министър на вътрешните работи. Той подаде оставка след като стана известно за среща с "оперативно интересните" братя Галеви, организирана с посредничеството на Алексей Петров. През 2008-2009 г. Алексей Петров стана специален съветник на шефа на ДАНС Петко Сертов, като според много анализатори той фактически е управлявал най-мощната тайна служба на държавата.
И в момента в структурите на МВР и ДАНС работят стотици бивши сътрудници на ДС, някои от които са на висши ръководни позиции. Въпреки показната реторика на правителството на ГЕРБ не са предприети реални лустрационни действия в силовите ведомства.
Нездравословните връзки на политиката с бизнеса
Да припомним, че сред съветниците на президента Първанов бяха и споменатият в грамата на посланик Пардю собственик на ДЗИ банк Емил Кюлев, бивш МВР служител, който бе застрелян през октомври 2005 година на бул. „България” в София, както и простреляният през 2007 г. Манол Велев – и двамата членове на небезизвестния клуб «Възраждане» заедно с Васил Божков – Черепа, Димитър Гущеров, Тошо Тошев, Радосвет Радев и убития Илия Павлов.
В най-актуалния скандал по повод изтекли телефонни разговори между българския премиер Борисов и шефа на митниците Танов, в които министър-председателят настоява да се прекрати започнатата проверка срещу собственика на бирената фабрика „Леденика” Михаил Михов, интимно наричан от премиера на България „Мишо Бирата”, внезапно се оказа, че адвокат на Мишо Бирата е не кой да е, а председателят на правния съвет на българския президент Сашо Пенов.
Заради друг близък до президента бизнесмен – Людмил Стойков, бивш представител на ВИС-2 в Перник, европейските фондове за България бяха замразени. Въпреки разкритията на ОЛАФ за престъпни злоупотреби със 7 милиона евро от фондовете на САПАРД, Людмил Стойков така и не беше осъден. Според ОЛАФ над Стойков е разперен политически чадър от най-високо място.
Икономическото влияние на лица посочени в грамата като свързани с организираната престъпност продължи да се разраства през годините с активното съдействие на държавата, която практически субсидираше техния бизнес.
Тодор Батков, адвокатът на Майкъл Чорни, получи със заменка стотици декари земя на морето и беше отличен от президента с орден „Стара Планина”.
Свързани с Васил Божков – Черепа и Гриша Ганчев лица и фирми също получиха ценни терени със скандални заменки.
Вместо да разтрогне договорите и да търси отговорност, новото правителство на ГЕРБ временно ограничи строителството на придобитите чрез заменки земи… до следващия удобен за олигарсите момент.
Може ли ЕС да спаси България от мафията?
Крилатата мисъл, че "в България мафията си има държава" придобива плът и кръв в написаното от Пардю, който с горчивина отбелязва фрустрацията на обществото от безпомощното положение, в което то се намира. Посланик Пардю смята все пак, че лостовете за влияние на ЕС са критично важни. За да се обърне тенденцията в битката с мафията, натискът от страна на ЕС за реформа на съдебната система и нейното ефективно прилагане не трябва да отслабва през следващите години - завършва той анализа си.
Шест години по-късно, три от тях като членове на Европейския съюз, много от фигурите на организираната престъпност, които Пардю е изборил през юли 2005 г., не са между живите. Някои от тях като братята Маргини бяха арестувани и обвинени, но след дълга и гротескна съдебна сага бяха оправдани. Петър Петров - Амигоса е единственият осъден на първа инстанция. Към момента нито един от знаковите босове не излежава ефективна присъда.
Уви, все по-ясно става, че изпадналите в безизходица граждани не могат да разчитат на активна външна намеса. Информацията от Wikileaks е потвърждение, че САЩ оценяват сериозността на положението, оказват логистична подкрепа и водят "агресивна политика" за отказване на визи на скандални фигури (последният случай е с бившия вътрешен министър Румен Петков). Останалото трябва да свърши Европа, тъй като българският проблем с мафията вече е проблем и на гражданите от всички европейски страни.
Въпросът е дали Джеймс Пардю, а и българските граждани, не надценяват възможностите на ЕС. Нещо повече: съдейки по реакцията на водещи европейски вестници, прикрили реалното състояние на нещата, четейки меките формулировки в докладите на Брюксел, възникват съмнения за волята и капацитета на Европа да промени ситуацията в България.
На думи има натиск за борба с организираната престъпност, но в същото време свързани с ДС и организираната престъпност политици са депутати в Европейския парламент, а водещи европейски компании правят бизнес с фирми ръководени от лица, които разузнавателните централи подозират в престъпен бизнес.
Неотдавна финансовият министър Симеон Дянков коментира, че икономическите проблеми в страната се дължат предимно на факта, че на важни бизнес позиции се се настанили "борци, комунисти и комсомолци", с които се работело трудно. Според него те щели да бъдат изместени "по естествен път".
Още по-естествено би било ЕС да обяви своеобразна лустрация за тези "борци, комунисти и комсомолци" като изготви публичен списък на фирмите и лицата, с които не е препоръчително да се осъществява съвместен бизнес. Като помощно пособие може да се ползва грамата на Пардю, която вероятно възпроизвежда списъка на Отдела за превенция на измамите на американското посолство в София.
Бойко Борисов се оплаквал от Путин на американците RWE е "саботирана" да се откаже от Белене
Ако няма напредък в придвижването на руските енергийни проекти, българите "рискуват да останат на студено през зимата". Това е казал руският премиер Владимир Путин "на ухо" на българския си колега Бойко Борисов, извън протокола, на срещата на високо равнище в Гданск на 1 септември 2009 г. Не става ясно с какъв тон е споменато въпросното изречение, т.е. дали е било достатъчно заплашително, но явно е направило сериозно впечатление на Борисов, за да бъде своевременно докладвано и да попадне в конфиденциалните информации на дипломацията на САЩ.
"Оплакването" на Бойко Борисов за отношението на Путин е отразено в американска дипломатическа телеграма датирана от 5 октомври 2009 г., разкрита от Wikileaks [09SOFIA561]. От текста не е ясно дали става въпрос за шега, или за заплаха. На 29 септември 2009 г. Борисов е поискал помощ от правителството на САЩ относно диверсификацията на енергийните източници за България. "Финансово закъсалата нова администрация не цели само да се отърве от проекти със съмнителна търговска жизнеспособност, но и да увеличи сигурността на енергийните доставки чрез диверсификация.", вярват американските дипломати.
Докладът разказва за среща на министър-председателя с три големи енергийни компании на САЩ на същата дата. В резултат на това правителството се е ангажирало в преговори да се използва тяхна технология за диверсификация на ядреното гориво и за утилизация на отработеното ядрено гориво.
Докладът разкрива, че американците са се надявали Бойко Борисов да спази обявените си официално намерения преди да поеме властта: да се преразгледат всички руски проекти свързани с големи енергийни сделки, направени от Тройната коалиция. Както показа времето обаче случи се точно обратното и ролята на премиера в началото на мандата му се оказа фалшива.
От други дипломатически грами посветени на енергийните проблеми на България се разбира категорично, че рискът милиони българи да останат на студено, заради руски енергиен шантаж, е разглеждан съвсем сериозно от българските политици, които са договаряли енергийните проекти с Русия. Това се оказва формулата, с която Русия диктува политически решения на суверенната уж страна - член на ЕС.
Големата енергийна "петчленка"
Противно на публичните изявления, от грамите лъсва тясната обвързаност между трите големи руски проекта: АЕЦ Белене, Южен Поток и Бургас-Александропулис, които президентът Първанов назова "Голям шлем", а руският в-к Комерсантъ иронизира - "Голям член".
Американците смятат, че зад всички тези проекти стои директно или индиректно, чрез подставени фирми и финансиране руският газов гигант Газпром. Техните категорични анализи сочат, че строежът на Белене с руски пари и технологии върви "в пакет" и с бъдещото изграждане на петролопровода "Бургас - Александруполис", както и с "Южен поток". На въпрос, дали това е така, бившият енергиен министър Румен Овчаров се е опитал да отрече, но както вече се вижда от развитието на нещата, явно анализите се оказват верни.
Но трите проекта от Големия шлем не са всички карти в руската енергийна колода, разигравана срещу България. В разговор с посланик Байърли проведен на 19 октомври 2006 българският енергиен министър Румен Овчаров е признал за връзка между преговорите за АЕЦ "Белене" и преговорите за подновяване на договора за газови доставки [06SOFIA1481].
От същия разговор става ясно, че посланик Байърли би желал Westinghouse да бъде избран като подизпълнител в проекта Белене. Тези надежди обаче са попарени от Овчаров, който твърди, че е "голям фен" на Westinghouse, но участието на европейския консорциум Framatom/Areva в проекта е задължително условие за бъдещото членство на България в ЕС, за което е оказала натиск Ангела Меркел.
Газпром се домогва също и до собственост върху българската енерготранспортна мрежа споделя Овчаров [06SOFIA1162]. Така преговорите водени от правителството на Станишев се очертават като 5 в 1: АЕЦ Белене, Южен Поток, Бургас-Александропулис, газовите доставки и собствеността върху преносната мрежа. Отделно стои въпросът за 100% зависимост от внос на руско ядрено гориво за АЕЦ Козлодуй и неговата утилизация.
Най-силният коз на Русия за бъдещите проекти е почти пълната зависимост на България от енергийните доставки, наследена от комунистическо време, която виси като дамоклев меч и принуждава българите към отстъпки, които от своя страна тласкат страната към все по-голяма зависимост - отбелязват със загриженост американците, които не пропускат да отбележат нуждата от диверсификация чрез участие в други проекти (Набуко), развиване на междусистемни връзки със съседните страни и използване на тяхно ядрено гориво и решения за утилизация в Козлодуй.
"Мръсна енергия", "енергийна мафия" и обръчите на Доган
Българският енергиен сектор е непрозрачен, корумпиран и свързан с лица близки до организираната престъпност, считат американските дипломати. [06SOFIA1691]В скандална грама, под знаменателя "енергийна мафия" са цитирани конкретни имена и фирми "Риск Инженеринг" на Богомил Манчев, "Фронтиер" на Красимир Георгиев и фирмите на Христо Ковачки.
"Ресурсите на "Белене" са толкова грамадни, че всички от конкуриращите се енергийни и политически лобита ще получат дял". За своя дял от Белене са се подредили и фирми близки до ДПС на Ахмед Доган, които "контролират екологичното министерство, отговорно за даване на разрешения" - смята авторът на грамата Алекс Карагианис.
Биволъ предоставя пълният превод на текста на този доклад, многозначително озаглавен: МРЪСНА ЕНЕРГИЯ: КОРУПЦИЯ И ЛИПСА НА ПРОЗРАЧНОСТ ИЗМЪЧВАТ БЪЛГАРСКИЯ ЕНЕРГИЕН СЕКТОР.
Лимонът "Белене" - с часовников механизъм...
Английският вестник Гардиън публикува през декември две грами от посланик Макълдауни [09SOFIA69] [09SOFIA363], в които е акцентирано на многобройните проблеми пред проекта Белене: неясна цена и икономическа обосновка, непрозрачност, свързани с Русия лобита и подозрения за корупция.
В редакцията на Гардиън обаче е отпаднала съществена част от текста, в който се обяснява, че ръководството на НЕК е пренебрегнало добрите практики в областта на ядрената индрустрия, не е изготвило програмен план за гаранция на качество за временните структури на площадката и е поискало от МРРБ да издаде разрешения без подходяща техническа документация.
Тези проблеми обаче не убягват на инвеститора RWE, който се безпокои за липсата на прозрачност в работата с Атомстройекспорт и българските му подизпълнители. Германците са държани "на тъмно" за повечето ежедневни технически проблеми на площадката. НЕК дори е възпрепятствала подизпълнителите да споделят с RWE информация по основни въпроси, позовавайки се на клаузи за конфиденциалност в договорите - пише в цензурирания текст.
Едновременно с това НЕК се опитва да замаже очите и на публиката и на инвеститора, че проектът върви с пълна пара. За пред медиите се използва словесна еквилибристика, като фазата "Подготовка на площадката" се нарича "Конструкция", за да се внуши, че има напредък в дейностите.
Резултатът от тази политика е известен - през октомври 2009 г. RWE излезе от проекта, който беше временно замразен.
Ново правителство - нов късмет?
Идването на Бойко Борисов на власт дава нова надежда за ограничаване на руското влияние в енергетиката. Американците отбелязват със задоволство намерението на правителството на ГЕРБ да преразгледа участието в руските енергийни проекти и про-западната ориентация на ключови министри като Дянков, Младенов и Трайков.
Знак за първоначалната решителност на правителството е писмото изпратено от премиера Борисов до Барак Обама в края на септември 2009, в което той моли за американска подкрепа за стратегическите решения в енергетиката. [09SOFIA538]
През октомври 2009 Бойко Борисов се среща с представителите на три американски енергийни компании, с които е обсъждал алтернативи за енергийните доставки, по-специално американско ядрено гориво за АЕЦ Козлодуй и решение за утилизация на отработеното ядрено гориво от централата. [09SOFIA561]
България зависи 100% от вноса на руско ядрено гориво и експортира отработеното обратно в Русия срещу значителна цена. Тя е и единствената европейска страна, която продължава тази практика, което я прави уязвима за руските прищевки да вдигнат цената, или да откажат да складират горивото в бъдеще - анализира американският дипломат, организирал срещата.
Българският премиер изглежда е бил убеден от американската презентация, тъй като е поръчал да бъде изготвен проектодоговор за предложените решения. Борисов отново е поискал съвет от американското правителство относно опциите за диверсификация, както и подкрепа през следващите месеци, които ще бъдат критични за взетите решения за енергийното бъдеще на страната - отбелязва заместник-посланик Сатън.
Два месеца по-късно американската подкрепа се материализира в София където е открит регионален офис на американското енергийно министерство. България е посетена и от специалния пратеник по енергийните въпроси Ричард Морнингстар, който се среща с ключови фигури от правителството. На 9 дек. 2009, Бойко Борисов се оплаква от липсата на европейско единство и подкрепа [09SOFIA696]. Европа бави парите за междусистемните връзки с Гърция и Румъния и България е станала заложник на енергийните амбиции на Италия, Франция и Германия - обяснява българския премиер на Морнингстар, имайки предвид подкрепата на тези страни (най-вече на Италия) за руския газопровод Южен Поток.
"Правителството иска да се отърве от Белене" - пише в коментар за срещата заместник-посланик Сатън - "но смята, че неустойките ще са твърде големи". По това време проектът е замразен, след оттеглянето на стратегическия инвеститор RWE през октомври. Зависимостта от руски газ за години напред не позволява обаче на българите да спрат всички доминирани от Русия проекти. "Освен това те не го и желаят" - коментира Сатън, която препоръчва по-силна ангажираност на американското правителство, за да помогне на "очевидно притеснения" български премиер.
Ден по-късно, на 10 декември, в България пристига руска делегация начело с министър Шматко, за да преговаря за енергийните проекти.
Отстъплението за Белене - драма в грамата
"Истинската драма" в разговорите през декември е отстъплението на българската страна за АЕЦ Белене след преговорите с руснаците - пише Сатън в грама датирана от 21 декември 2009 и озаглавена "Поддаване по АЕЦ "БЕЛЕНЕ". [09SOFIA711]
Според министър Трайков България обмисля да даде на Русия мажоритарен дял в проекта "първоначално", но конфузът е очевиден, защото той "не може да обясни какво точно означава това". По-твърда в преценката си е зам.-министъра по енергетиката Мая Христова, която счита, че даването на собственост върху Белене на Русия е заплаха за националната сигурност. Тя споделя и за идеята да се проведе конкурс за финансов съветник, който да помогне на българската страна да се ориентира във финансовите аспекти на проекта.
Русия възражда проекта Белене като използва едновременно "подсладители" и нови форми на натиск. Ако България се съгласи на руска собственост върху Белене, това ще е драматично отстъпление от позициите на енергийната сигурност и една голяма възможност за поправяне на грешките на предишното правителство ще бъде пропусната - настоява Сатън в коментара към преговорите с руснаците.
Това е и една от последните американски грами от България на енергийна тема, изтекли в Wikileaks. През следващата година правителството на Борисов ще поддържа позицията си на отлагане и протакане, през срещи с Путин, включването на "косматия дипломат" - каракачанския пес Йорго..., за да се стигне до драматичните събития от началото на 2011 и разконспирирането на основни лобисти като Валентин Златев, консултант на Росатом и особено приближен на премиера.
Най-вероятно американската позиция през този период не е претърпяла промяна. Позицията на Борисов обаче се промени и то съществено спрямо това, което четем в дипломатическите доклади от първите месеци след идването му на власт. За публиката остава да гадае в каква пропорция са били смесени заплахите на Путин за "оставане на студено", "новите форми на натиск" и "подсладителите" в руския коктейл, сервиран в процеса на преговорите на българския премиер.
Информация за медиите: Wikileaks и Биволъ имат споразумение за партньорство в журналистическата и експертна обработка на грамите от България, а впоследствие и от други балкански страни. Пълните текстове на анализите и преводите публикувани в "Биволъ" са защитени съгласно·Закона за авторското право и сродните му права.·Цитирането им без позоваване на източника не е разрешено. По-подробна информация за условията за ползване на текстовете можете да получите по е-мейл:· contact@bivol.bg
ДУИ: Миjaлков барал етнички судир со Албанците
Политичкиот лидер Али Ахмети, претставник на партијата на албанската етничка заедница во Македонија ДУИ направи силно критичка анализа за управување со земјата пред американскиот амбасадор, станува јасно од дипломатска телеграма од Скопје, од Cablegate, кој е откриен од Wikileaks. Извештајот [09SKOPJE411] е подготвен од страна на Амбасадорот Филип Рикер и е испратен до Вашингтон на 21 август 2009 година.
Амбасадорот е гостување на Ахмети во неговата фарма во планинска област во западна Македонија на 16 август 2009, по повод 8 годишнината од Охридскиот договор (2001 година). Пред него Ахмети го критикуваше премиерот Никола Груевски за застојот во преговорите за името на Македонија и дипломатските односи со Косово. Според Ахмети тоа можеше да им наштети на односите со Србија и Бугарија. Албанскиот лидер побара од амбасадорот да изврши посилен јавен притисок, за да се реши прашањето со името. Од своја страна, амбасадорот забележал дека задкулисните активности може да се поефикасни од јавниот притисок.
Лидерот на ДУИ смета премиерот Груевски за премногу млад и наивен, што се одразува и во донесувањето одлуки.
Ахмети изразил загриженост од влијанието на внатрешниот круг околу Груевски, особено од братучед на Груевски Сашо Мијалков, кој е шеф на тајните служби. Според лидерот на ДУИ, Мијалков има контакти и желба да провоцира "лумпенизирани албански елементи во Македонија", за да предизвика етнички тензии, со што Мијалков да го оправда големи акции против албанската етничка заедница. Занемарување на Мијалков воопшто во однос на етничките Албанци, исто така, било наведено во разговорот.
На овој настан, претседателот Иванов е опишан како "добро момче", но со малку власт и влијание, де факто потчинет на премиерот.
Ахмети бил скептичен и за напредокот на земјата 8 години по Охридскиот договор, како го оценил "меѓу 4 и 5 поени од 10. Според него, етничките Македонци и понатаму да веруваат дека земјата им припаѓа само на нив. Двата најголеми проблемот за албанската заедница, според него, биле дека албанскиот јазик не се користи официјално и етничките Албанци не се претставени еднакво на водечки позиции во владата. При претходната коалиција на ДУИ со СДМС, неговата партија имала контрола на поважни министерства отколку кај сегашната со ВМРО-ДПНЕ, кажа тој. Ахмети верувал дека надминувањето на проблемот со името и влезот во НАТО ќе го олесни решавањето и на меѓуетничките прашања.
Албанскиот лидер не се изјаснува со ласкави зборови за конкурентите од ДПА, Мендух Тачи. Тачи сакал да го замени Охридскиот договор, со нов, уште порадикален договор. Бојкотот во парламентот и повикот од Албанија да стави вето на приемот на Македонија во НАТО, се индикатори за маргинализација на Тачи - рекол Ахмети. Хаотично однесување на Тачи можеше да ја загрози стабилноста на Македонија. Поради овие си ставови Ахмети бил да се состане особено со албанскиот премиер Бериша по неколку дена и бил да му каже дека албанската заедница не ја поддржува иницијативата на Тачи за бојкот на членството на Македонија во НАТО. Поради деструктивизмот на Тачи, по можност пред него бил лидерот на Нова Демократија Имер Селмани, кој претставувал "конструктивна и разумна опозиција. Покрај тоа, Селмани бил и многу близок со Груевски и двајцата разменувајќи домашни посети.
Интересен е и погледот на Ахмети на верските прашања во Македонија. Тој изразува јавно несогласување со политиката на премиерот да се градат цркви и да се издигнуваат нови верски симболи. "Во Македонија има повеќе цркви и џамии, отколку верници", резимира албанскиот лидер. Според Ахмети државните пари може да се користи поефикасно за други јавни проекти. Критично е и изјавата за лидерот на Исламската заедница во Македонија Сулејман Реџепи, кој според него бил "се друго, но не и верник" и претставувал "Бирократијата на Господ".
Како пример за подобро користење на буџетските средства Ахмети споменал проектот за создавање на голем универзитет во Тетово за соединувањето на двата постоечки. Овој иден Универзитет би требало да биде на државна издршка, но и со голема меѓународна поддршка. Ахмети, исто така подготвил проект со градоначалниците на 6 општини јужно од главниот град Скопје за чистење на загадените реки и езера, кои се во популарни туристички зони во Македонија. На Рикер беше предложено да се состане со градоначалниците, заедно со евроамбасадорот Ерван Фуере, со цел да им помогнат. Американскиот амбасадор не се ангажирал.
Македонската влада на премиерот Никола Груевски и неговиот внатрешен круг систематски го користи правниот и репресивен апарат на државата, за да ги исклучи неистомислениците, открива американски дипломатски извештај добиен од Wikileaks и дели со Bivol.bg и EurActiv.com
Позадина
Тајните Извештаи на САД, добиени од EurActiv и сајтот за истражувачко новинарство бивол, кој објавува ексклузивни материјали на Wikileaks за Балканот, содржат информации за Груевски и неговото опкружување од владејачката партија ВМРО-ДПМНЕ, кои создаваат "атмосфера на страв" во земјата кандидат за Европската унија.
Филип Т. Рикер, амбасадор на САД во Скопје од септември 2008-ма година, пишува во извештаите од декември 2009-та, дека Груевски ги користел сеопфатните обвиненија за злоупотреби, против официалните членови на македонската политичка елита.
"Јавни апсења, притвори или истраги на сегашни и поранешни министри, партиски членови и членови на опозицијата.Ги постави под притисок македонските политичари да се воздржат од предизвици и критики кон владата на Груевски", пишува Рикер.
Дипломатите на САД во Македонија, исто така, го информираат Вашингтон дека до нив стигнале поплаки од невладини организации, чии членови биле повикани од полицијата на застрашувачки "информативни разговори".
"Покрај тоа, овие тактики се прикажани на македонската јавност како храбри напори на владата да се справи со корупцијата, а со тоа се оправдува јавната поддршка за овие злоупотреби", пишува амбасадор Рикер.
Повеќе пати во програмата, дипломати на САД велат дека известувањето на јавноста и битките со неговите противници во медиумите, Груевски успеал вешто да го одвлече вниманието на јавноста од сопствената неможност да продолжи по "прашањето за името" - долгиот спор со Грција околу името на државата, што е идентично со тоа на најсеверната грчка покраина.
"[Груевски] и понатаму инсистира на референдум за да е избегне личната одговорност за еден историски компромис", објави во Вашингтон Американската амбасада.
Според дипломати од Европската унија едно националното гласање за компромисно име има неважечка шанса за успех, особено се имаат во предвид националистичките идеи на ВМРО-ДПНЕ и нивната антикомпромисна позиција, која се контролира од страна на владините медиуми кои треба да е заштитуваат.
Покрај тоа, Груевски е опишан како политичар кој не е заинтересиран за вистински реформи кои се потребни за да се продолжи на патот кон интеграцијата во Европската унија. Груевски дури и се противи на давањето независност на судството, во голема мера контролирано од него самиот.
Корупција во опкружувањето
Дипломатите на САД сметаат дека различни домашни лица околу Груевски се корумпирани. Во тој контекст јасно се споменати шефот на разузнавањето Сашо Миjалков, братучед на Груевски, како и министерот за транспорт и врски Миле Јанакиески. Поконкретно дипломати на САД цитираат обвиненија според кои Миалков е поврзан со корупциски скандал за продажба на Двокатни автобуси произведени во Кина.
Истовремено, амбасадата на САД гледа со доверба на неколку "чисти" македонски политичари, кои станале жртви на репресиите на Груевски.
Меѓународно најдобро Познато име меѓу наведените, е тоа на поранешниот министер за европски прашања Ивица Боцевски, кој се повлече во јули 2009, откако сфатил дека Груевски никогаш не сакал реформи во областите како што е независноста на судството, велат документите.
Еден од многуте примери за манипулација на судството за политички цели е случајот на поранешниот менаџер на македонскиот здравствен фонд Георги Тренкоски, сопартиец на Груевски и политичар со чиста репутација.
Според амбасадата на САД Тренкоски ја изгуби поддршката на Груевски, бидејќи зборувал отворено. Тренкоски беше уапсен јавно и обвинет за злоупотреба на службата. Како што се реализира добро познатата практика, апсењето се случи во присуство на новинарите од медиумите блиски до власта..
Според законот, во Македонија постои можност за определуване на притвор за период до 180 дена, а судиите имаат можност да го продолжат рокот на притворот до 30 дена. Некои судии се пожалија на дипломати на САД, дека биле ставени под притисок од владата, за да наметнат максималниот можен период на притвор, во очигледен обид да се уништи нечија политичка репутација.
Слаѓана Тасева, шеф на невладината организација Транспаренси интернешнл во Македонија, се пожалила на дипломати и пред медиумите дека била малтретирана од полицијата поради нејзиното работење и нејзините критики кон владата. Документот наведува и други невладини организации, кои се со истите тврдења.
Албански проблеми
Извештаи од САД исто така известуваат за се повеќе мегуалбански раздори во Македонија. Мендух Тачи, лидер на Албанската демократска партија, официјално се залага за нов меѓуетнички договор кој ке го замени Охридскиот рамковен договор, предупредуваат дипломатите на САД.
Наводно, Тачи повика на консензус за донесување на одлуки од страна на владата. Во пракса тоа значи дека Албанската демократска партија ке добие право на вето, и цел албанскиот јазик да стане официјален јазик како што е и македонскиот, и една од највлијателните политички позиции (премиер, претседател, портпарол) секогаш да се извршува од Албанец.
Претходните парламентарни избори во Македонија, одржани на 1.07.2008 годин.поминаа, со голем број груби прекршоци. Набљудувачите констатирале дека победата на владејачката и тогашната партија ВМРО-ДПМНЕ била постигната со цената на заплашување и насилство врз гласачите, со измами, со ставање на повеќе гласачки ливчиња од едно лице, или гласачки ливчиња од името на непостоечки гласачи. Терминот кој е употребен во извештајот на Американската амбасада од Скопје [08SKOPJE359] е "ballot-stuffing", што буквално значи "филовите со гласачки ливчиња" и е познат од средината на 19 век во САД, како едно од средствата за манипулација на резултатите од раните години на демократските општества и такви во примарената фаза на својот развој. И покрај повиците на меѓународната заедница и медиумите за слободни и фер избори и осудата на непопреченото спроведување, гласањето во Македонија е прогласено за нормално и законско од власта.
Во програмата детално се опишуваат случаи на убиства во изборниот ден, како и такви на попречување на граѓани да го искористат законското право на глас. Други биле директно заплашувани, откако побарале контакт да се пожалат на меѓународните набљудувачи. Амбасадорката, Џилијан Миловановиќ опишува и ги пренесува потреснате услови, поминаа изборите за парламент пред 4 година - масовно полнење на гласачки ливчиња и согорување на неудобни билтени; употреба на оружје; физички напади врз набљудувачи и државните службеници вклучени во изборите; уништување на цели изборни гласачки кути и гонене на меѓународни и локални набљудувачи на изборите, групни и семејни гласања и сл.
"Неколку часа по завршувањето на изборниот ден Водачот на владејачката ВМРО - Груевски, рече дека изборите се "огромна победа за целата земја", се вели во извештајот на Миловановиќ. Ова мислење било кажано и во Триумфалниот говор на коалицискиот партнер Тачи, кој ги определил резултатите од спроведените така избори, како "најслаткиот победа". За разлика од владејачките, лидерот на ДУИ Али Ахмети изрази дијаметрално спротивно мислење, како го вика изборниот ден "крвава бања". Токму цврстата интервенција на Амбасадата е принудила властите да го уапсат Агим Красниќи, кој подоцна служи како откуп за сите злосторства.
Генерално изборите во Македонија се оцени како расипани и неодговорни на европските барања за демократија. Претпоставката на слична изборна практика е утврдено како пречка пред идното членство на земјата во ЕУ и НАТО.
Груевски сака целата власт
Само еден месец по изборите Миловановиќ испрати извештаи [08SKOPJE438] дека има доверливи информации од различни извори, дека Премиерот Груевски има намера да го промени Уставот на Р. Македонија и да го укине директното избирање на државата од народот. Програмата е со високо ниво на тајност SECRET / / NOFORN. Од напишаното се разбира, дека Груевски се обидува да протурка измени со кои сака да ги укине дирекното гласање за претседател и да го префрли во овластувањата на парламентот, каде што има парламентарно мнозинство. "Како со акција ќе го прекини јавниот избор на Претседателската институција, едена од ретките не коректни и биланси на владата во оваа млада демократија", размислува амбасадорката на САД. Таа признава дека тоа е долгогодишна цел на Груевски, кој со 82 пратеници веќе може да се постигне такво централизирање на власта во своја полза. Американската мислење е дека овие планови ќе а поткопаат демократијата во Македонија, а големата концентрација на власт во владејачката партија ќе и овозможи да наименуваат свои луѓе на клучните позиции, како Началник на штабот за одбрана, што ќе го ослабне цивилно-воената поделба во Министерството за одбраната. Според Американците, последиците ќе бидат фатални за целиот социјален развој на земјата. "Отстранување на директно избран претседател и натамошно ограничување на неговата независност, ќе го расчисти патот за моно-партискиот систем, која може да дејствуваат без оглед на опозициски политички ставови.", Предупредува Миловановиќ.
Таа инсистира пред Стејт департментот за политички инструкции и извршување на политичко влијание врз владејачката коалиција од страна на САД, за да се спречат слични тоталитарни амбиции на Груевски во повој. Јавно притисок имало и благодарение на авторитетот на САД, актуелниот Премиер на Македонија, се уште не стана официјално во диктатор од латино-американски тип.
Црвенковски - бескрупулозните, Иванов - слаб и наивен
Наследникот на Џилијан Миловановиќ во Скопје, Филип Рикер, прави темелно анализа на претходниот Претседател Бранко Црвенковски, чиј 5 година мандат истекува на крајот на мај 2009 година [09SKOPJE201]. Прави впечаток значењето што Амбасадата обраќа на лидерот на Социјалистичката партија и оценката која му е дадена: искусен и флексибилен политичар, многу спротиставени на политиката на Груевски и во исто време доволно бескрупулозните за да освои популарност со демагошки позиции. Црвенковски е самопрезентерец се и се прилагодува кон сите политичко-општествени трансформации. Тој е споредба со својот наследник Ѓорѓе Иванов - кој стои на другата крајност на политичката парадигма, според Рикер - зависен, наивен и удобен на премиерот Груевски.
Црвенковски е претставувал своите ставови за успешна македонска политика како "Трикрако столче", се наоѓа стабилност во 3-те темелот: етнички мир, економија и меѓународно учество. Тој отворено изјавувал дека Груевски не успеаја и во трите.
Спорот за името и евро-антланската интеграција
Претседателот Црвенковски генералено мисли за стратешки за името на премиерот Груевски, и со нашите совети кои го охрабруваат Груевски да не кажува "НЕ" на предлозите на Нимиц", забележува Амбасадорот Рикер. Од текстот се разбира, дека од разговорите водени со Претседателот на Македонија на дипломатско ниво, беше споменато дека Груевски, всушност, не сака да го реши спорот со Грција за името, туку да ги "замрзне" преговорите. Бранко Црвенковски признал дека бил разочаран и шокиран од скандалозното преименување на Аеродромот во Скопје на "Александар Велики". Тој раскажал пред амбасадорите дека веднаш откако слушнал за овие намери, и го прашал министерот за надворешни работи Милошоски, и тој исто така бил шокиран од веста. Откако сепак Милошоски разбрал дека Груевски приватно донесл одлука за промена на името, веднаш си го сменил мислењето.
Особено критично лидерот на СДСМ се изразил за т.н.. политика на Груевски: "Ние можеме да се справиме и без НАТО", предупредувајќи дека таквиот популизам не е корисна за Македонија од аспект на евро-атлантската интеграција. Од зборовите на претседателот, станува јасно дека политиката на Владата на Груевски дејствувала за алтернативен развој на Македонија надвор од ЕУ и НАТО, што е во основата на голем историски неуспех. Во основата на таквите "изолационистичка" ставови стоел Груевски, но Антонио Милошоски, исто така, полнење масло во огнот. На уво, Црвенковски му сподел на Рикер, дека го сметал Милошоски за попаметни од Груевски, подоцна бил изненаден и разочаран од трендот на Министерот за надворешни работи да е поголем "Груевски" од самиот Груевски во неговиот "изолационизам" и реакционерна политика.
Обраќајќи сериозно внимание на економските проблеми на државата и Распрскувањето на милиони за споменици, повторно во приватен разговор со амбасадорот, станало прашање како Груевски го "дои буџетот" во свој интерес, преку два главни протоколи. Едниот бил со братучеди му - браќа Миjалкови - Сашо / шеф на тајните служби / и Владимир / советник на шефот на царината Ванчо Каргов /. Другиот дел за одливот на државни пари е преку вицепремиерот и претставник на ММФ - Зоран Ставрески, заедно со претседателот на државниот електросистем - ЕЛЕМ.
Не на последно место во разговорите е посветено внимание на меѓуетничките односи, кои се многу деликатни токму во Македонија. Не се прави доволно за да се запре зголемувањето на етничките тензии, а во исто време се храни конфликти од Груевски, вклщчително и м / у завојуваните албански партии, со цел нивно полесно манипулирање.
Наследникот
Георги Иванов е определен директно како безличен политичар, без харизма. Премногу "академски", Иванов нема присуство на маса "и е без искуство во меѓународните преговори и пред странски соговорници. Во средби со амбасадорот, тој речиси и да не зборувал, а само кимал со глава. Ова впечаток за Ѓорѓе Иванов, го изразил и Али Ахмети, кој дури и како коалициски пратнер на Груевски го споделил со Амбасадорот Рикер доста лицемерни факти за владејачката партија. / линк /
Во извештајот треба резиме за политичката иднина на Црвенковски, по заминувањето на претседателската функција и очекуваните проблеми кои може да има тој како опозиција на диктаторски методи на Груевски / можност од притвор, или економски репресии /. Предизвиците кои очекуваат овој политичар во партиско и личниот однос, исто така, раскажаното во детали, што говори дека дефинитивно тој е предмет на разгледување на Владата на САД. Програмата завршува неслучајно со заклучок дека "Црвенковски е клучен играч, пред и по независноста на Македонија. Тој ќе биде една важна сила во македонската политика. Американците не кријат дека очекуваат токму од социјалистите да е турка евроатланската интеграција, ако се кренаа од пепелта во пораз. Спорот за името со Грција, исто така би претрпел одличен напредок, се наведува во анализата. "Црвенковски е искусен политичар и стратег и е решен да успее, а има и потенцијал да се опорави", завршува извештајот за поранешниот Претседател на Македонија и главен противник на Владата на ВМРО.
Коментар на Биволъ
Од направените анализи на ситуацијата во Македонија, се наметнува заклучок дека земјата се управува со цената на политички и полициски репресии, како и со цената на изборни нерегуларности. Управувањето на ВМРО и коалициските партнери не води државата на патот на евро интеграцијата и членството во НАТО, а ја вклучени во продлабочување се меѓународно изолација и демократски рестрикции внатре. Тотално преместување на насоките во политичкиот спектар се докажува од апсурдноста дека прогласувањето како "десна" партија ВМРО-ДПМНЕ, се јавува како сила, која наскоро влече општеството назад кон реминисценции од времето на соц. времето, а "левицата" СДСМ се припознати од американската политика, како реформатори и евро-ориентирани политичари, со про-НАТО-вска реторика и размислување. Вовлечена во тешка криза на ступор во меѓународното признавање, во комбинација со продлабочување се обиди за централизирање на власт и корупциски практики, Р. Македонија останува без јасна перспектива за развој во идно време и без нацртајте стратегија за зачувување на својот етнички и државен интегритет.
И покрај обидите во Македонија, како и во Бугарија, да се негира и минимизираше извештаите на американската дипломатија собрани во Cablegate - тие се факт. Најважно е дека нивната валидност не е демантираа и ставена под сомнение ниту еднаш од официјалните институции на САД, без оглед какви тешки вистини откриваат. Реакциите на владејачката партија ВМРО-ДПМНЕ во Македонија дека програмата се "фалсификувани", дека не може да се верува на проектот "WikiLeaks" - е комични и буди барем недоумица. Како доказ за автентичноста на американските извештаи можеме да го примениме Аватарот на самите Греми во веб-сајтот на WikiLeaks.ch, како и порака на профилот на Wikileas во социјалната мрежа Twitter. Слободните толкувања за учество на грчки, бугарски, американски и сите други безбедносни служби во правела заеднички сценарио против Владата на Груевски, предизвикуваат насмевка. Придаваме тоа на неизживения уште стар синдром од помината епоха на комунизмот, кога непријателот демнат од секаде, а најмногу од внатре и од под кревето.
Депешата [10SKOPJE9] од 6 јануари 2010 година испратена од скопската амбасада, напишана од Навратил (NAVRATIL), се води како некласифицирана и има наслов:
MACEDONIA: COUNTRY TEAM ASSESSMENT FOR PROCURMENT
OF NVDS AND CLOSE COMBAT OPTICAL DEVICES
САД донираат 80 уреди за ноќно гледање (Night vision devices - PVS-17A - 80) и 80 оптички уреди за блиски борби (Close combat optical sight - M68- 80) за поддршка на македонските воени сили кои се дел од Вермонтската национална гарда во Авганистан.
Донацијата е со цел да и се помогне на македонската армија (АРМ) во рамките на ИСАФ (интернационалните безбедносни сили) во Авганистан.
Според депешата, овие уреди не влијаат на воените сили во земјата, ниту ќе предизвикаат реакција од соседите. Нивната донација ќе им помогне на македонските сили во идентификување на пријателските воени трупи на САД и НАТО. Македонија веќе поседува III NVDs, и има безбедносно знаење и процедури потребни за работа со овие уреди, па тие не претставуваат ниту внатрешна закана. За работата со овие уреди ќе биде потребен само 10-дневен тренинг на 2 до 3 лица во земјата, а ќе го изведе регуларниот состав на САД во земјата. За оваа донација не се потребни дополнителни средства од земјата, бидејќи U.S. FY10 NDAA section 1206 authority ги донира уредите.
Депешата [10SKOPJE8] од 6 јануари 2010 испратена од скопската амбасада, како некласифицирана, а напишана од NAVRATIL има наслов
MACEDONIA: POST SUPPORTS 1206 PROPOSAL FOR EMBEDDED OPERATIONAL MENTOR AND LIASON TEAM (OMLT) EQUIPMENT SET
Амбасадорот го поддржува барањето на Македонија за FY10 - "Embedded Operational Mentor and Liaison Team (OMLT) Equipment Set за единиците распоредени во ИСАФ мисијата во Авганистан. Македонија во моментот има 163 војника кои служат во ИСАФ, а до 1 април 2010 ќе распореди уште 79 војника како дел од Вермонтската национална гарда.
Депешата [10ATHENS77] од 3 февруари 2010 е напишана во амбасадата во Атина, класифицирана е како тајна (secret), потпишана е од амбасадорот Daniel V. Speckhard а има наслов:
Амбасадорот до Друцас: покажете му на Вашингтон дека можете
Кратко резиме:
На средбата од 20 јануари помеѓу амбасадорот Speckhard и грчкиот министер за надворешни работи Димитри Друцас, американскиот амбасадор го предупредил Друцас дека мора да му покаже на Вашингтон дека е способен да се соочи со отворените регионални проблеми. Тој го советувал да се подготви да зборува за деталите околу Македонија; какво решение Грција може да понуди за Кипар, и за Турција. Друцас рекол дека се надева оти Вашингтон гледа дека Папандреу прави напори во грчко-турските односи, а како и во случајот со Турција, така и со Македонија, Папандреу се обидува да воспостави лични односи за да се решат споровите. Турција останува приоритет во надворешната политика, а грчката порака до Македонија пред ЕУ средбата во декември била дека „се подготвени, ако и другата страна е подготвена“, но не виделе вистински напор од Македонија за изнаоѓање решение. Друцас ги опишал средбите со македонскиот министер за надворешни, Милошоски, како пријателски и топли. Рекол дека ако треба да испрати само една порака до Скопје, тоа би било да се избегнуваат јавни изјави кои ќе ги нарушат билатералните односи.
Кратко резиме:
Премиерот Груевски пред американските сенатори Воинович и Шахин ја повторил својата доследност за решавање на спорот со името и членството во НАТО, но истакнал дека спорот зависи од поддршката на интернационалната заедница и Америка, како и дека секое решение за проблемот со името мора да помине на референдум. Сенаторот Воинович, кој неодамна имал средба со грчкиот премиер Папандреу, го истакнал приоритетот во брзото решение со името, поради економската криза во Грција која го одвлечкува тамошното внимание од проблемот со името.
Опсежна содржина на депешата:
Во депешата [10SKOPJE77] се сумира средбата на американските сенатори Воинович и Шахин со премиерот Груевски околу проблемот со името. Премиерот Груевски ги подвлекол заложбите на македонската Влада за Евро – атлантските интеграции и неговите напори да стигне до грчкиот премиер Папандреу. Сенаторите Воинович и Шахин ги пофалиле македонските напори за градење мултиетничка држава и изразиле благодарност од американска страна за учеството на Македонија во Авганистан. Тие истакнале дека Македонија и Грција треба брзо да стигнат до решение за проблемот со името.
Сенаторите Џорџ Воинович и Џин Шахин на 17 февруари 2010 имале кратка средба со амбасадорот Рикер и неговиот тим, а потоа и со премиерот Груевски. Груевски изразил благодарност до американската Влада за поддршката до Република Македонија кон членството во НАТО и ги уверил сенаторите дека останува доследен на решавање на спорот со името и членство во НАТО.
Премиерот Груевски рекол дека го контактирал грчкиот премиер Папандреу по телефон и му понудил средба кога и да му одговара на грчкиот премиер. Груевски рекол дека сака проблемот со името да се реши во првата половина на 2010, но истакнал дека без поддршка на интернационалната заедница и особено Америка, тоа нема да биде возможно. Изразил жалење дека Грција „сака да го промени нашиот идентитет“. Рекол и дека секое решение за проблемот со името мора да помине на референдум.
Сенаторот Воинович истакнал дека од неговата скорешна средба со грчкиот премиер Папандреу било јасно дека тој покажува разбирање за значењето од брзото решавање на спорот со името, и тоа создава можност за Груевски. Сенаторот изразил загриженост дека политичките проблеми на Грција поради економската криза, може да го одвлечкаат вниманието од проблемот со името, што брзото решение со името го прави уште поважно.
Воинович ја прегледал депешата.
Рикер
Депешата [10SKOPJE64] од 11 февруари 2010 година (некласифицирана) ја напишал амбасадорот Рикер од скопската амбасада и во неа ги сумирал разговорите што ги имал со конгресменот Померој при неговата посета на Република Македонија под наслов:
Евро- атланските напори остануваат блокирани
Кратко резиме:
Амбасадорот Рикер на конгресменот Померој му рекол дека 1. американската долгорочна цел е Република Македонија да биде дел од ЕУ и НАТО, но интеграции се во застој поради проблемот со името; 2. Земјата има затегнати меѓуетнички односи; 3. Во земјата има проблеми со владеењето на правото, и со корупцијата; 4. Спори економски реформи.
Опсежна содржина на депешата:
Американската политика кон Македонија останува конзистентна во барањето земјата да се интегрира во ЕУ и НАТО, и да биде стабилна, мултиетничка демократија. Земјата има повремено изолирано албанско малцинство кое е 25% од населението, домашниот пазар е ограничен, па земјата може да има долгорочна стабилност и просперитет само ако влезе во НАТО и ЕУ. Програмата на УСАИД во Македонија требало да заврши во 2011, но се планира да продолжи најмалку до 2015.
Евро-атланските интеграции на земјата се запрени поради проблемот со името со Грција. Атина го блокирала заедничкото решение на НАТО во Букурешт (април 2008) да и понуди на Македонија членство во НАТО, а ја спречила и ЕУ да отвори преговори за пристапно членство во декември 2009. Проблемот со името останува и покрај американските и европските дипломатски напори на двете страни, активност на медијаторот, Метју Нимиц, и директните разговори помеѓу премиерите Папандреу и Груевски. Дополнително одмогнало што и македонската и грчката страна во проблемот со името го внеле суштински нерешливото прашање за македонскиот „идентитет“.
Македонија е со години лојален сојузник во интернационалните мировни мисии. Од 2002 година вкупно 1264 македонски трупи служеле во ИСАФ програмата во Авганистан, а 490 трупи во Ирак до крајот на 2008. Во 2010 македонскиот придонес за ИСАФ бил речиси дуплиран и според број на жители, Македонија е во првите пет од 42-те земји членки на ИСАФ. Дополнително, Македонија има мал контингент за поддршка на ЕУ мировните мисии во Босна и Херцеговина, КФОР и во мисијата на ОН во Либан.
Македонија назадува зад остатокот од поранешната Југославија во транзицијата кон пазарна економија. Земјата одржува макроекономска стабилност со ниска инфлација, но не може да привлече странски инвестиции. Делумните причини се: директното политичко влијание во судските и политички - мотивираните процеси, корупцијата, недоволната имплементација на реформите и недоволната активност на Владата дури и кога има потенцијални странски инвеститори.
Премиерот Груевски владее од 2006 и се уште има релативна популарност (делумно заради слабата и дискредитирана опозиција), но е неспособен или не сака активно да ги прифати предизвиците за интеграции. Иако Груевски ја има најголемата албанска партија ДУИ во коалициската влада, се уште се отворени прашањата за употребата на македонскиот и албанскиот јазик и недоволните средства во албанските делови од земјата. Иако поделен, албанскиот политички спектрум сака членство во НАТО (и помалку во ЕУ). Ахмети е подготвен да чека, но не засекогаш.
Депешата [10SKOPJE53] (некласифицирана UNCLASSIFIED), испратена од скопската амбасада и напишана од амбасадорот Рикер на 5 февруари 2010 во која американскиот амбасадор Рикер ги брифира сенаторите Воинович (Voinovich) и Шахин (Shaheen) за состојбите во Република Македонија е ИДЕНТИЧНА на содржината на депашата [10SKOPJE64] во која амбасадорот Рикер го брифира конгресменот Померојза состојбите во Република Македонија!
Кратко резиме:
Според депешата [10SKOPJE75] од 22 февруари 2010, откако бил известен дека учеството на македонските војници во Авганистан се соочува со поголеми ризици, претседателот Иванов истакнал дека македонските војници се подготвени за поголеми ризици и загуби во Авганистан, но од американските партнери побарал да се подготви стратегија за одговор кон домашните медиуми и кон јавноста околу можните загуби во Авганистан.
Потребата од стабилизација на Авганистан, според Иванов, е важна за Македонија поради две работи: (1) можноста авганистанските екстремни и радикални елементи да се префрлат во Западен Балкан; (2) поради опасноста од движењето на дрогите од Авганистан кон Европа. Воедно, претседателот Иванов ја истакнал својата разочараност од несериозниот пристап на некои европски лидери кон предизвиците на авганистанската безбедност.
Опсежна содржина на депешата:
Генерал мајорот Дубие од Националната гарда на Вермонт ја посетил Македонија од 13 до 17 февруари 2010. Од 1995 Националната гарда на Вермонт е државен партнер на Македонија под програмата за Државно партнерство на бирото за национална сигурност. Целта на посетата била да се дискутира за заеднички воен распоред на 86-тата Infantry Brigade Combat Team (IBCT) со елементи на македонските воени сили во Авганистан со почеток на 27 февруари 2010. Генерал мајорот Дубие се сретнал со претседателот Иванов и со министерот за одбрана Коњановски. Се дискутирало за распоредот на 79-те војници од македонскиот контингент, consisting of a Ranger platoon, кои кон крајот на март 2010 требало да се соединат со Националната гарда на Вермонт во Авганистан. 9-месечниот престој на македонските војници требало да го подигне македонското ISAF учество за 242 војници, а 86-тата IBCT, заедно со македонскиот контингент во него, да биде подготвен за цел спектар операции во регионалната команда Исток. Генерал мајорот Дубие го известил претседателот Иванов дека македонското учество во Авганистан го менува фокусот од тренирање и мониторинг, кон партнерство и цел спектар заеднички операции, воедно известувајќи го претседателот Иванов дека ситуацијата во Авганистан е сериозна и дека македонските војници може да се соочат со сериозен ризик.
Претседателот Иванов, во консултациите со воениот врв, истакнал македонските војници се подготвени за учество во воените акции и дека е свесен дека оваа мисија ќе биде со поголем ризик од претходните. Претседателот Иванов истакнал дека е потребно да се подготви теренот за можните ризици: брзо да се координираат и да се разменуваат информации, за Владата да биде подготвена за реакциите од медиумите и од јавноста по повод можните загуби во Авганистан. Исто така од Вермонтската гарда и од македонскиот армиски врв побарал да се подготват процедури за известување за загубите.
Претседателот Иванов истакнал дека стабилизацијата на Авганистан е важна за македонската национална безбедност поради две работи: (1) опасноста дека екстремните и радикалните елементи од Авганистан може да се префрлат во Западен Балкан. (2) Друга причина за потребата од стабилизација на Авганистан, според претседателот Иванов, е движењето на дрогите од Авганистан кон Европа, што е од особена грижа за Македонија. Воедно, претседателот Иванов истакнал дека е разочаран од несериозниот пристап на неименуваните европски лидери кон предизвиците во авганистанската безбедност.
Амбасадорот Рикер го известил претседателот Иванов дека неговото писмо до американскиот претседател Обама со поддршка за новата стратегија во Авганистан била многу добро примена. Владата на Америка ја цени македонската поддршка и заедничката работа е најдобар пристап во решавање на глобалните безбедносни предизвици.
Министерот за одбрана Коњановски рекол дека распоредувањето на војниците во Авганистан е најзначаен чин во неговото министерство и дека за него, тој има целосна поддршка од Владата и од Парламентот. Свесен е за ризиците, но уверен дека војниците имаат добар тренинг. Спомнал дека на маргините на НАТО министерскиот самит во Истанбул на кратко се сретнал со секретарот за безбедност Гејтс и гордо известил дека Гејтс му честитал за придонесот на македонските војници, како и дека Македонија треба што поскоро да се зачлени во НАТО. Известил и за плановите на Министерството да се реновира зимскиот воен центар на Попова Шапка.
Амбасадорот Рикер му спомнал на министерот Коњановски дека по распоредот на војниците, според техничкиот договор со Централната Команда на САД Македонија треба да ја продолжи ротацијата со следната американска бригада која ќе ја замени Вермонтската 86-та, а мајорот Дибие дал индикации дека тоа ќе биде бригадата од Ајова. Министерот Коњановски му кажал на амбасадорот дека Владата ќе ја го земе предвид ова ротација, но дека се’ уште ништо не е донесено како одлука.
Амбасадорот и министерот Дубие му се заблагодариле на министерот Коњановски за сегашните и претходните акции во Ирак и Авганистан.
Рикер
Депешата [10SKOPJE52] испратена од скопската амбасада, напишана од амбасадорот Рикер на 4 февруари 2010 година, класифицирана како доверлива (Confidential), е со наслов:
Лидерот на ДУИ, Али Ахмети, за тензијата во коалицијата и за проблемот со името
Кратко резиме:
Лидерот на ДУИ, Али Ахмети, на средбата на 19 и 20 јануари 2010 год. му кажал на амбасадорот Рикер дека нема напредок во проблемот со името и дека постои конфликт во коалицијата поради разнишаните меѓуетнички односи. Ахмети истакнал дека грубото инсистирање на Груевски околу македонскиот идентитет го повредува ДУИ и дека етничките Албанци не се задоволни од коалицијата на ДУИ со Груевски. Иако фрустриран, Ахмети немал намера да ја напушти Владата, а спомнал дека неговата прва средба со претседателот Иванов била позитивна и прагматична.
Опсежна содржина на депешата:
Амбасадорот Рикер се сретнал со претседателот на ДУИ, Али Ахмети и со неговиот заменик, Абдулагим Адеми (Abdulaqim Ademi) на 19 и 20 јануари во Тетово. Ахмети рекол дека решавањето на спорот со името е централно за етничките Албанци, а воедно посочил дека Груевски го бомбардира македонското гласачко тело со пропаганда за идентитетот, заради што според анкетите има голема поддршка. Обратно, поддршката за ДУИ на локално ниво во последните шест месеци паднала за 4 проценти (од 12 на 8), што според Ахмети е резултат на неспособноста на премиерот да го реши проблемот со името. Амбасадорот Рикер истакнал дека во интернационалната заедница расте загриженоста дека Македонија не е вистински посветена на решавање на проблемот со името, и дека и Македонија и Грција треба да преземат чекори во следните шест месеци. Ахмети се согласил дека овој период е критичен и инсистирал дека притисокот треба да се насочи кон Груевски. Сепак, Ахмети не бил подготвен да постави датум по кој ДУИ би излегла од коалицијата ако не се постигне напредок со името, сметајќи дека излегувањето од коалицијата само би и наштетило на земјата. Ахмети на Рикер му ја пренел поплаката на Груевски дека Грција инсистира идентитетот и јазикот да бидат вклучени во преговорите и дека промената на името на земјата во пасошите би повлекла промена во Уставот. Рикер изјавил дека овие претпоставки ги смета за неточни.
Ахмети смета дека политичката тактика на опозициониот водач, Црвенковски, само го попречува Груевски да го реши проблемот со името, сметајќи дека Црвенковски создал политичко сценарио за „ничија победа“ за Груевски, во кое ако Груевски не го реши проблемот со името, ја загрозува иднината на земјата; а ако го реши: тој го продава македонскиот идентитет. Ахмети го смета раздорот помеѓу СДСМ на Црвенковски и ВМРО на Груевски е поголемо одошто меѓу албанските партии. Ахмети верува дека албанските партии имаат можност да се обединат за да го решат спорот со името, тие ќе ги надминат своите моментни разлики, но дека такво обединување му се чини невозможно за СДСМ и ВМРО. Затоа, Ахмети смета дека „Владата на единство“ "Government of Unity" не е опција за решавање на проблемот со името.
Ахмети истакнал дека најголем раздор во меѓуетничките односи во моментот претставува предлог-законот со кој македонскиот јазик станува задолжителен во основното образование во малцинските заедници. Овој закон, според него, предизвикува реакција кај Албанците бидејќи ги поттикнува албанските спомени од заедничкото југословенско минато (на пр. реториката од типот „Одете во Албанија, ако сакате да учите на албански!“). Исто така, потсетил дека со оглед на состојбата во цела Македонија, погрешна е планираната изграба на црквата на плоштадот во Скопје, заедно со црквите и џамиите низ цела Македонија, но рекол дека ако се изјасни против црквата ќе биде сметан за нетолерантен Муслиман. Отуѓеноста во коалицијата ја гледа и во однос на нерегуларностите во процесот против 12-те осудени Албанци во случајот Сопот, за кои сака да се разрешат и да не бидат замрзнат случај кој ќе се отвора секогаш кога ВМРО ќе сака да врши притисок врз ДУИ. Кажал дека ВМРО било подготвено да преговара: да го врати случајот Сопот, ако ДУИ престане да го блокира предложениот закон за образование.
Ахмети рекол дека тој и Груевски дискутирале за сите овие работи на состанокот од 20 јануари, на кој Груевски се согласил дека коалицијата не функционира најдобро. Иако се договориле Адеми и Протогер да најдат решение на заедничкиот состанок на 25 јануари, ни тие не успеале да се договорат, но се согласиле дека комуникацијата меѓу ДУИ и ВМРО треба да се подобри преку повеќе средби со внатрепартиските лидери.
Ахмети му заблагодарил на амбасадорот за помош околу решавањето на проблемите. Рикер истакнал дека проблемот со јазикот во образованието не е од централно значење за интернационалната заедница, и дека Македонија треба да покаже зрелост за рационален дијалог. Тој се согласил дека планот за градење православна црква на плоштадот не е од нужно значење и дека инсистирањето на црквата го поткопало кредибилитетот на Владата во барањето интернационална помош за развојни проекти.
Ахмети соопштил дека имал прва приватна средба, иако задоцнета, средба со претседателот Иванов на 30 декември и дека се разговарало за вклучување двајца албански членови во кабинетот на Иванов и за проблемот со името. Иванов се согласил дека името останува централен проблем.
Во депешата [10SKOPJE40], која се води под некласифицирана, а е испратена од скопската амбасада и напишана од амбасадорот Рикер на 28 јануари 2010 година, под наслов:
Македонија ќе придонесе во Reintegration Trust Fund
(MACEDONIA WILL CONTRIBUTE TO REINTEGRATION TRUST FUND)
Post conveyed REFTEL points to Mira Krajacik of the MFA's Office of Security Cooperation. Таа разговарала со министерот за надворешни работи Антонио Милошески, кој дал обврска дека Македонија јавно ќе го поддржи и ќе учествува во Авганистанскиот Trust Fund (Afghan Reintegration Trust Fund) на Лондонската конференција на 28 јануари 2010 година, но Милошоски не одредил за колку време.
Депешата [10SKOPJE6] е испратена на 6 јануари 2010 од амбасадата во Скопје и е напишана од NAVRATIL, се води како некласифицирана UNCLASSIFIED, и има наслов:
Македонија: Охридски рамковен договор
Кратко резиме:
Веќе осум години Охридскиот рамковен договор е клучен инструмент за меѓуетничка хармонија во Македонија. Иако има нецелосна имплементација, се уште е активно средство за намалување на ризици од следен граѓански конфликт. Депешата дава информации за околностите кои довеле до потпишување на Охридскиот рамковен договор, кратко резиме на договорот и како тој се имплементира до денес.
Опсежна анализа на депешата:
Во 2000-та година расте тензијата меѓу етничките Албанци и етничките Македонци пред се во албанските села во северо-западна Македонија. Во јануари 2001 ситуацијата ескалира кога новоформираната ОНА (предводена од Али Ахмети) ја напаѓа полициската станица во Теарце, убивајќи еден полицаец, што доведува до судир меѓу ОНА и македонските безбедносни сили во февруари 2001 во Танушевци. Тоа доведува до поголем воен конфликт во летото 2001, во кој се проценуваат меѓу 100 и 200 мртви и повеќе од 170.000 раселени луѓе.
Во јуни 2001 двете страни постигнуваат договор за прекин на борбите и почнуваат мировни преговори во Охрид, со медијација на САД и ЕУ. Договорот е потпишан на 13 август 2001. НАТО ја разоружува ОНА, а мисијата на ОБСЕ во Македонија ја презема улогата да го надгледува спроведувањето на договорот.
Охридскиот рамковен договор се состои од 9 главни секции и 3 анекси: децентрализација на Владата, недискриминација, подеднаква етничка застапеност во јавните институции, реструктуирање на парламентарните процедури, употреба на јазиците, образование и право на изразување на својот идентитет.
Во годините што следеле, сите Влади во земјата успешно ги спровеле речиси сите делови од Охридскиот рамковен договор, освен во случајот со законот за употребата на јазиците, за кој некои интернационални набљудувачи и некои делови од Владата веруваат дека не е добро формулиран.
Депешата [09SKOPJE621] од 23 декември 2009 е испратена од амбасадата во Скопје, а напишана од Рикер, се води како некласифицирана и има наслов:
Македонија: нов национален акциски план за решение со преостанатите бегалци од кризата во Косово
Десет години по доаѓањето на речиси 350.000 бегалци во Македонија од Косовската криза, Владата на Р. Македонија заедно со УНХЦР Скопје работи на создавање решение за останатите околу 1.600 бегалци и баратели на азил, речиси сите етнички Роми. Во октомври Владата отворила центар за бегалци и донела национален акциски план за интеграција на бегалците до ноември, обезбедувајќи речиси еден милион евра за програмата во 2010. Иако продолжуваат плановите за интеграција, зголемен број бегалци сакаат да се вратат на Косово (од 50 годишно бројот е покачен на 300). Причината за тоа се гледа во независноста на Косово и зголемените интернационални фондови за помош. УНИХЦР Скопје развило стратегија за наоѓање решение на бегалците, а македонските закони за беглаци и баратели на азил се подобриле, со донесување на Новиот закон за бегалци во Парламентот, кој е според сите стандарди на ЕУ и ОН за азил и времена заштита.
Македонија е прва и речиси единствена земја во регионот која прифатила темелен пристап за интеграција на бегалците од Косово, според УНИХЦР Скопје, за разлика од други земји од регионот кои ги условиле идните дипломатски односи со Косово со враќањето на бегалците (Македонија ја признала независноста на Косово во октомври 2008 и воспоставила целосни дипломатски односи.) Дури изненадувачки, немало јавен или политички отпор кон планот, ниту планот за бегалците бил политизиран во земјата, и покрај значајниот буџетски чинител (од речиси 1 милион евра). Бил отворен интегративен центар во скопската населба Шуто Оризари во октомври. Владата се надева на финансиска помош и од интернационалната заедница за развој на центарот и натурализација на бегалците кои сакаат да останат. Сите овие настани се светла точка во меѓу-етничките односи на Балканот.
Депешата [09ANKARA1794] е испратена од амбасадата во Анкара и се води како некласифицирана, а напишана е на 17 декември 2009 од тимот за логистика со наслов:
Министерството за Правда за OPDAT (Office of Prosecutorial Development, Assistance, and Training)
Кратко резиме:
Амбасадата во Анкара ќе биде домаќин на тридневна регионална работилница за контра-тероризам за Турција, Бугарија, Македонија, Албанија и Грција од 10 до 12 февруари 2010. Амбасадата во Анкара бара помош од амбасадите за да се осигура соодветно учество на настанот.
Опсежна содржина:
Министерството за правда на САД, OPDAT (Office of Prosecutorial Development, Assistance, and Training), ФБИ, Програмата за помош во интернационалните криминални истраги, (ICITAP) и НАТО центарот се спонзори на серија регионални работилници со фокус на контра-тероризмот и граничната сигурност, почнувајќи од февруари 2010 за источно медитеранските земји. Првата тридневна регионална работилница е закажана за 10-12 февруари 2010 во Анкара, Турција. Земјите учеснички поканети на настанот се: Турција, Албанија, Бугарија, Грција, Македонија и САД. Ова треба да биде првата од серија вакви работилници во сите пет земји од Источниот Медитеран. Идеално, учесниците на овој настан, би ги следеле и сите дополнителни сесии.
Ќе бидат поканети говорители за да дадат презентации и да ги водат дискусиите на врзани теми: трендовите во тероризмот, меѓу-гранични операции, биометрички средства за борба против криминалот, финансирање на тероризмот и криминал со документи. Конференцијата ќе биде организирана така што земјите учеснички ќе ги поделат своите искуства со другите земји, ќе понудат идеи како да се подобри соработката меѓу границите и како да се споделуваат информациите, особено во случаи на тероризам. Работилницата е замислена да понуди можности земјите да развијат посилни врски во борбата против криминалот, да развијат партнерства и да научат едни од други.
Секоја поканета земја треба да прати десет обвинители и law enforcement officers со искуство во областа на контра-тероризмот и граничната сигурност. Учесниците треба да понудат кратки презентации, врзани со нивните земји и најдобро е да знаат англиски.
Амбасадата во Анкара бара од амбасадите во Софија, Скопје, Тирана и Атина да ја испратат оваа покана до нивните министерства за правда.
Депешата [09ATHENS1717] испратена од амбасадата во Атина на 20 декември 2009 година, а се води како доверлива (CONFIDENTIAL) е напишана од амбасадорот Speckhard и има наслов:
Неформалниот советник на Папандреу ја расветлува внатрешната динамика и регионалните предизвици на Владата на Грција
Американската амбасада во Атина ја дискутирала внатрешната динамика и клучните играчи во администрацијата на Папандреу, како и состојбата во Кипар и Турција со еден од неформалните советници на Папандреу. Советникот истакнал дека на Димитрис Друцас треба да му се даде повеќе време за да работи на проблемот со името на Македонија.
Кратко резиме:
Депешата [10SKOPJE69] претставува опсежен извештај на американскиот амбасадор во Република Македонија, Филип Рикер, за трговијата со луѓе во Република Македонија. Оценката на Рикер за заложбите на Владата за борба против трговија со луѓе е позитивна.
Опсежна содржина на депешата:
Според Рикер, Владата останува доследна на борбата против трговија со луѓе, а високи владини функционери покажуваат активен интерес за оваа проблематика. Националната комисија за борба против трговијата со луѓе активно работи на превенција, казнување и заштита на жртвите. Според мислењето на амбасадорот Рикер, Македонија останува транзитна земја за шверц со емигранти. Интернационалната трговија со луѓе опаѓа, но има индикации дека Македонија е земја во која има жртви од трговијата со работна сила. Пријавен е случај со 370 емигрантски работници (пред се’ од Босна) кои станале жртви на трговијата додека работеле за српска компанија во Азербејџан, а некои од работниците биле Македонци. Македонските институции за борба против трговијата со луѓе стапиле во контакт со работниците и им понудиле помош. Сите наведени работници одбиле помош, повеќето од нив изјавиле дека не се жртви, а голем дел искажале желба повторно да се вратат во Азербејџан за работа во истата фирма. Македонските власти покажале професионалност и упорност во следењето на случајот.
Од внатрешната трговија со луѓе во периодот на извештајот се забележани случаи на сексуална експлоатација, често со знаење на членови на семејството или познаници. 157 лица биле интервјуирани од одговорните за трговија со луѓе во периодот на извештајот, и ним им е понудена помош. Повеќето од нив биле или странци во транзит кон западно -европските дестинации, или работеле како проститутки во баровите и ноќните клубови, а се откриени со полициски рации. Од нив шест биле малолетни лица, подведени под трговија од членови на семејството или од познаници. Најранливите групи за трговија со луѓе се сиромашните, необразованите, и жените од етничките заедници, особено Ромките. Оние што тргувале со нив биле најчесто мажи меѓу 20 и 50 години, типично за нив е дека не биле членови на организирани криминални групи и за првпат работеле со трговија со луѓе. Лажните бракови се идентификувани како честа тактика за прибирање жртви во трговијата со луѓе.
Многу владини функционери јавно зборуваат против трговијата со луѓе и се подготвени за активна борба против неа. Според амбасадорот Рикер, развиени се доста механизми за борба против трговијата со луѓе, а одвоен е и буџет за домашни прифатилишта на жртвите. Владата исто така константно го набљудува процесот со воведените мерки против трговијата со луѓе. Врз база на извештаите, Владата подготвила две бази на податоци: една на жртвите од трговијата со луѓе (во НРМ?), а другата за организаторите (во МВР).
Законите во Македонија забрануваат трговија со луѓе, не само за сексуална експлоатација, туку и за принудна работа, трговија со органи, порнографија, присилни бракови и нелегални усвојувања на деца. Македонската легислатива е целосно хармонизирана со Палермо Конвенцијата на Обединетите Нации од 2000-та година.
Нема случаи на вмешаност на високи лица од Владата во трговија со луѓе, ниту толерирање на трговијата со луѓе на кое било ниво. Но, има случаи на криумчарење луѓе кои се на транзит низ Македонија. На 1 јули, во координација со српските служби преку операцијата „Канис“, 13 луѓе во Македонија и еден повисоко рангиран вработен во Министерство за внатрешни работи биле уапсени и осудени за криумчарење азиски емигранти од Србија преку Македонија во Грција. На 25 август била спроведена операцијата „Бумеранг“ со која се уапсени припадници на граничната полиција и цариници за наводно земање поткуп на граничните премини: досега се покренати постапки против 57 гранични полицајци и 3 цариници, а постапки се водат против сите 60 осомничени.
Во Македонија нема идентификувано проблем на сексуален туризам што вклучува деца, ниту пак македонски граѓани се вклучени во сексуалниот туризам.
Македонија нуди формален степен на заштита на сведоците во високо рангирани случаи. Сведоците се заштитени во сигурни куќи и хотели и имаат 24-часовна полициска заштита. Македонија учествува во координациите против криумчарењето и трговијата со луѓе преку Иницијативата за Југоисточна Европа.
Македонските трупи учествуваат во ИСАФ мировната операција, но ниеден од војниците не учествувал во ниедна форма на трговија или експлоатација на жртви во трговијата со луѓе.
Македонија има прифатни центри за заштита на жртвите од трговијата со луѓе и со емигрантите. Прифатниот центар од буџетот добил 105.000 долари во 2009 година. За домашните жртви постои центар кој е заштитен од медиуми, а жртвите што ќе одбијат да живеат во прифатниот центар примат психолошка и социјална помош. Буџетот за социјална помош во 2009 бил околу 11 милиони долари. Исто така, Македонското министерство за внатрешни работи бара постојат тренинг на вработените за препознавање на потенцијалните жртви на трговијата со луѓе.
Депешата [09STATE129193] од 17 декември 2009 со потекло од Министерството за внатрешни работи (Secretary of State) класифицирано како доверливо (CONFIDENTIAL) а потпишано од Клинтон, е со наслов:
Средбата од 14 декември 2009 на заменик секретарот Стаинберг (STEINBERG) со шпанскиот министер за надворешни работи Моратинос
Министерот за надворешни работи на Шпанија, Моратинос, побарал средба со заменик секретарот Стаинберг за да ја дискутира ситуацијата во Западен Балкан. Тој ја потврдил шпанската поддршка за Бутмирскиот процес (Butmir process) и побарал благослов од САД за предложената средба во Мадрид на босанските и регионалните лидери. Рекол дека Шпанија ќе заземе не-попречувачки однос кон Косово за време на шпанското претседателство со ЕУ во првата половина на 2010. Заменик секретарот на Америка ја подвлекол важноста на преговорите на босанските партии во Сараево, како и посветеноста на САД на интеграциите на Србија во Евро-атланските структури.
За време на средбата се зборувало за Македонија, и Министерот Моратинос рекол дека скоро имал средба со грчкиот премиер Папандреу, на која Папндреу укажал дека е подготвен да тргне кон решавање на проблемот со името со Македонија. Заменик секретарот Стаинберг потврдил дека слушнал такви извештаи и од други страни и дека премиерот Папандреу треба брзо да дејствува во спорот со името. Исто така сугерирал дека премиерот Папандреу и премиерот Груевски треба да работат еден со друг директно, без посредници. Рекол дека се надева дека двете страни ќе најдат решение, бидејќи се веќе направени мали чекори кон прогрес. Подвлекол дека ЕУ треба цврсто да застане во поддршка на евентуалното решение до кое би се дошло.
تجدون أدناه قائمة مقالات باللغة العربية. بعضها مترجم و بعضها أصلي. سوف نقوم بإضافة المزيد قريباً
النضال من أجل الديموقراطية، حُرر بطريقة غير مباشرة عن طريق تسريب الالآف من الوثائق السرية من الخدمات
الدبلوماسية الأمريكية، هومعقد بسبب موقف مصر السياسي في الشرق الأوسط. و الإنتقالالضروري لنظام مبارك ادى الى حالة حرجة من العلاقات الدولية، لأناللاعبون ال أساسييون، امريكا و اسرائيل في كف و فلسطين و سوريا و ايران في كف، و الكل يعلم أنه من المهم أخذ الرئيس القادم حليفاً له. و لهذه الأسباب بالذات في ٢٠٠٧ السلك 07CAIRO1417 السفير الامريكي في القاهرة قال " الخلافة الزئاسية في مصر هى مأزق سياسي في مصر. و مع كل المحادثات السرية ، لا أحد يعرف مؤكداً من سيخلف مبارك أو كيف ستكون الخلافة" .
و حتى الأن تدخل مصر في اسبوعها الثالث من الشلل، المظاهرات و الإعتصامات مازالت مستمرة في كل أنحاء البلاد و بدون نية للهدوء. استطاع الرئيس مبارك اخفاء نفسه و في ظهور له اعلن عدم نيته في الترشيح مرة اخرى، و اوضح موقف الحكومة ان الرئيس لا ينوي التنحي، انما فضًّل المماطلة ليرى اذا كان الوضع سيهدأ. و ليقلل من حدة الموقف قرر تفويض السلطة لنائبه عمر سليمانو هو اليد القوية المسئولة عن ادارة البلاد . المناورة السياسية جائت بعد التدخل من حلفاء مصر و هم امريكا و اسرائيل ، و من الواضح أنه حتى ان حكومة اوباما طلبت علناً من مبارك التنحي و السماح للإنتقال السلمي للسلطة و هم علي يقين تام أنهم لن يسمحو لشخصية كعمر موسى، السكرتير العام لجامعة الدول العربية لرئاسة الدولة.
طبيعة هذا التحالف الثلاثي تم الكشف في احد السلوك التي نُشرت ، و التي توضح الدوافع خلف هذا التحالف بالأرقام ، السلك 09CAIRO874 على سبيل المثال ينص " السلام مع اسرائيل عزز دور مصر المعتدل في جهود حفظ السلام في الشرق الأوسط و وضع اسس سياسة استمرار الدعم العسكري الأمريكي و المعونة الإقتصادية (١,٣ مليار دولار و ٢٥٠ مليون دولار على التوالي)". و أيضاً فإن السلك 07CAIRO3503 يوضح خضوع سليمان لإسرائيل و أنه قال " قوات الدفاع الإسرائيلي يرحب بها لإعادة احتلال فيلاديلفي اذا اعتقد الIDF ان هذا سوف يوقف التهريب" و اضاف ايضاً " مصر تريد لغزه "الجوع" و ليس "الموت من الجوع"". و الأهم ان السلك من سنة ٢٠٠٨ أيضاً يوضح جيداً فوائد فترة نقاه لشعب غزه ، و التي بعدها تستطيع اسرائيل ان تبني مؤسسات ضد حماس، و هي خطة مثيرة للذِكر للزيادة الحديثة للمرتبات ب١٥٪ ، و كأنه يحاول قاصداً تهدئة الشعب لصالحه. هذا الرجل ، و هو الزئيس السابق للمخابارات العامة المصرية ، تم وصفه بالمعذب و له علاقات وطيدة مع الCIA( وكالة الاستخبارات الامريكية) و هي تم تأييده بالاسلاك المسربة.
و بذلك ، فان خلافة الرئاسة في مصر هي صالح عالمي، و هي لا تُأثّر على الشعب المصري وحده و لكن على التوازن الحساس للقوات في الشرق الأوسط و بالذات علاقاته بحصار غزه . اذا استمرت الخطة كما يجب، امريكا و اسرائيل سوف تنجح بوضع مرشحها المفضل و لن يكون، كما كان الحال في السابق، اي مباحاثات سلمية حقيقية عن غزه. و هذا يعني ان الشعب المصري سوف يناضل اكثر من اجل تغيير ديموقراطي ، و لحسن الحظ، بعد خطاب مبارك يوم الخميس فان الحشود سوف تزداد يوماً بعد يوم في التحرير.
This a translation of the article ¨The problems of the presidential succession in Egypt¨, originally published on February, 11, 2011.
Translated by Sherif Youssef.
올해 1월 6일, 한국의 한 여성이 85호라고 번호가 붙여진 크레인 위로 올라갔다. 지상 35미터가 되는 곳에서, 그녀는 최대 조선업체 중 하나인 한진중공업 (출처: (Hanjin))에 의해 행해진 강제대량해고에 대항하는 전쟁을 선포하였다.
(출처: source)
BBC가 '외로운 한 명의 시위자' (출처: depicts) 라고 표현하였던 김진숙 씨는, 전국노동조합총연맹 (민주노총) 부산지부 지도위원인데, 부산은 한진 영도 조선소가 위치한 곳이다. 그녀는 크레인 위에서 고구마와 죽만으로 연명하고 있으며, 태양열 (휴대폰) 밧데리만이, 그녀가 의지하고 있는 소중하고 유일한 세상과의 의사소통 끈이다. 회사측은 크레인 주변에서 농성을 하고 있는 해고 노동자들에 대한 음식, 물, 전기의 공급을 중단하고자 수차례 시도하였고 (출처: attempted), 그때마다 사람들은 회사측의 시도들에 대해 결사적으로 항의해야 했다. 혹독한 폭염은 단지 만지기만 하여도 피부가 데일 정도로 크레인을 달구고 있다.
200일이 지났다. 한진이 정부에게 공권력 사용을 요청하자, 전쟁은 더욱 치열해졌다. 그것은 85호 크레인에 대한 연대와 지지를 보여주기 위해 전국에서 모여든 사람들로 이루어진 대규모 집회인 '희망버스'를 막기 위해, 경찰병력이 지원되는 것을 가리킨다. 2차 희망버스는 이미 매우 심각한 진압으로 인해 고통을 받았는데, 이 때 시위집회자들을 해산시키고, 참가자들이 그들의 목적지인 85호 크레인에 다다르는 것을 막기 위해, 최루액과 물대포로 무장했던 경찰과 한진측이 개별적으로 고용한 용역들로 인해, 시위는 전쟁터로 변했었다.
최루액을 발사하며 집회 참가자들이 85호 크레인으로 다가가는 것을 막고 있는 경찰병력 (출처: source)
전쟁은 치열해졌고, 지금도 더욱 치열해지고 있지만, 그녀는 더이상 '외로운 시위자'가 아니다.
한진 강제해고, 사법절차를 따르지 않는 불법 폭력, 그리고 노동자들의 권리를 위한 투쟁의 짧은 역사
10년 전, 한진은 노조와 그 어떤 합의 노력도 없이, 650명의 노동자들을 대량해고시키고, 일방적으로 임금을 동결하였다. 회사는 헌법에 보장된 노동자들의 집단교섭권을 부정하였고, 심지어는 노조 위원장이었던 김주익 씨를 포함한 20여명의 주요 인물들을 피해보상소송으로 고소하는 '법적 학대'를 자행하였다. 결과적으로, 노동자들의 임금과 집들은 가압류 되었고, 이는 그들 가족들에게는 끔찍한 경제적 학대가 되었다. 곧이어, 많은 이들에게 체포영장이 발부되었다. 김주익 씨는 집단교섭권을 요구하고 한진에 의한 폭력을 맹렬히 비난하며, 85호 크레인 위로 올라가 고공농성을 시작하였다. 한진측으로부터는 노조와 비폭력적 교섭을 갖고자 하는 그 어떤 진지한 의지의 신호도 얻지 못한 채, 지상 35 미터 크레인에서 129일 간의 절망적이고도 맹렬한 투쟁 끝에, 그는 크레인 위에서 스스로 목숨을 끊었다.
10년 후, 한진은 또 다시 400명의 노동자들을 해고하고, 임금을 동결함으로써, 노동자들의 권리에 대한 박해를 반복했다. 대규모 해고에 대한 공식적인 이유는 '재정적 어려움'이었다. 하지만, 해고 직후, 한진을 지주회사로 가지고 있는 한진중공업홀딩스는 주주들에게 1,660만 US달러에 달하는 주식배당금을 지급하였고 (출처:16.6 million US$), 이는 '재정적 어려움'이라는 회사측 해고사유에 명백히 위배되는 것으로, 대중으로부터 격렬한 비난을 샀다.
회사의 폭력과 학대에 대한 분노와 반감을 소리쳐 외치고 있는 한진 영도조선소의 한 해고노동자. (출처: source)
한 보도에 의하면 (출처: report), 한진은 '억울함'을 호소하였을 뿐만 아니라, "우리는 현금이 없었기 때문에 그들에게 지분을 분배해주었다" 라는 억지주장을 몇차례나 펼쳤다. 한진 노동자들의 평균 소득은, 한국 3대 조선업체 노동자들의 평균 소득의 60% 밖에 달하지 않는데, 이를 두고 한진은 "우리 회사 근로자들이 너무 많은 임금을 받아서 가격경쟁력에 해가 되고 있다" 며 불평하고 있다.
세계 4위 규모의 조선소 - 필리핀에 있는 한진 수빅 조선소와 인권침해
500여명의 노동자들이 한진 조선소의 노동조건에 대해 의의를 제기하는 시위를 벌렸다. 노동자들은 또한 필리핀 잠발레스에 있는 수빅으로 향하기 전, 한국 대사관과 마닐라에 있는 노동고용부를 방문하였다. 2011년 7월 3일. (출처: source)
"대부분의 산업재해들은 '자살'로 기록되고 있다"
한 보도에 (출처:report) 실린 통계에 따르면, 2007년부터 2010년 사이에 공식적으로 집계된 산업재해만도 3,000여 건에 달하며, 한진 수빅조선소에서 발생한 사망건수는 41건이 넘는다. 수빅조선소는 한진으로부터 직접고용된 직원이 단 한명도 없는 것으로 악명이 높다. 모든 노동자는 거미줄처럼 복잡하게 얽힌 하청계약들을 통해 고용되는데, 그 복잡함이 하청고용 시스템의 잔인성을 숨겨주고 있다. 이러한 고용구조 속에서, 고용주들은 노동자들에 대한 법적 책임들로부터 교묘히 빠져나가기가 대단히 쉬워졌는데, 이는 대부분 근로조건들과 최소임금에 관한 법적 책임들이다. 한국-필리핀 양국에서 벌어지고 있는 한진의 부당행위를 다루기 위한 양국 노조간 협력을 발표한 어느 보도에 따르면 (출처:report), 산업재해들은 적절한 보상 지원을 회피하기 위해 '실종' 또는 '의문사'로 기록되고 있다.
법적 허점들을 최대한 활용하고 있는 하청계약들 외에도, 한진은 6개월 주기의 정기적 해고를 시행함으로써 그 어떠한 민주적 노동조합의 설립도 적극적으로 막고 있다고 보도된 바 있는데 (출처:reported), 이는 필리핀 노동법에 따르면 고용주는 노동자를 반드시 직접고용 하여야 하며, 그러써 노동자의 법적 고용주로서의 전적인 책임을 져야하기 때문이다. 한진은 회사의 부당행위와 인권침해를 비난하는 시위자들을 대할 때마다 항상 '법적정당성'을 강조해 왔다.
"그들은 언제든 우리를 몽둥이로 때리고, 목을 조르고, 가위로 찔러요. 뺨을 때리고 욕설을 퍼붓는 일은 흔해요. 우리는 개처럼 살고 있어요."
약 2만명의 필리핀 노동자들이 그곳에서 일하고 있으며, 조선소 내에 있는 감옥과 같은 숙소에서 지내기를 강요당하고 있다. 한 노동자는 고백하기를, 언젠가 그가 고향을 방문하기 위해 감독관에게 1일 휴가를 요청했을 때, '미친놈'이라고 불리며 심한 언어폭력을 당했다고 했다.
필리핀 노동자들의 한달 평균 소득은 한국 노동자들의 한달 평균 소득의 10분의 1에 불과하는데, 미국 달러로 환산하면 약 200 달러에 해당된다. 약 천명 정도는 한국인 노동자들이며, 나머지는 모두 필리핀 노동자들이다. 대부분의 감독관들은 한국인인데, 심한 인종차별주의로 악명이 높으며, 폭력과 언어폭력을 휘두르는데 서슴치 않는다. 대부분의 노동자들이 임시직인 까닭에 노동법의 보호를 받지 못하고 있어서, 민주적 노동조합을 결성한다는 것은 거의 불가능하다. 한진 회사측이 꺼려하는 노조 설립 계획에 참여하는 노동자는, 누구든지 쉽게 고용주에 의해 해고당할 수 있다.
희망버스 참가자들을 다루기 위한 한진과 경찰간의 협력을 증명하는 유출물
한진은 해고노동자들의 시위에 대응하기 위해 개별적으로 용역들을 고용했는데, 이들은 평화로운 연좌시위를 통해 복직 투쟁을 하기로 결정한 활동적인 노조위원들과 해고노동자들을 상대로 법에 저촉되는 폭력과 협박을 행사하였다. '희망버스'라는 이름이 붙혀진 일련의 대중집회를 포함하여, 노동조합들과의 대화를 단호히 거부하는 회사측에 항의하는 집회들이 있을 때마다, 용역들은 언제나 경찰과 '함께' 일해왔다
'희망버스'는, 지지와 연대를 보여주기 위해 85호 크레인 주위에 모인, 전국 각지에서 온 사람들이 여는 축제와도 같은 집회이다. 위 그림은 손문상 씨가 그린 일러스트레이션이다.
최근 언론을 통해 흘러나온 자료에 의하면 (출처: material), 2차 희망버스가 있기 전, 회사와 경찰 사이에 협의가 있었으며, 경찰측으로부터 제공된 공문들은 충격을 불러일으켰다. 공문은 집회 참가자들을 해산시키기 위해 '경찰의 업무를 돕기 위한 적절한 인력들을 고용할 것'을 한진측에 지시하고 있는데, 이는 딱 잘라 말하자면 '용역'을 가리킨다.
김진숙 씨의 희망 : 살아서, 두 발로 크레인을 내려가는 것
이 힘겨운 투쟁을 시작하게 된 이유와 목적들을 설명하는 한 편지에서 (출처: letter), 김진숙 씨는 그녀의 목표를 '내 스스로, 이번에는 살아서, 이 곳으로부터 내려가는 것이다. 그것은 고 김주익 씨의 간절한 희망이었다' 라고 적었다. 그녀는, 85호 크레인을 절망의 상징에서 희망의 상징으로 바꿀 것이며, 자신이 그렇게 할 수 있으리라 굳게 믿고 있다고 적었다. 그것은 김진숙씨 혼자만의 투쟁이 아니다. 그것은 집회 및 시위에 관한 법률울 통해 헌법에 의해 보장된 권리들을 공격의 목표로 삼은, 한국 내 노동자들의 권리에 대한 학대와 불법 폭력에 대해 같은 분노의 감정을 나누고 있는 모든 이들의 투쟁이다.
그녀는 더이상 외로운 한 명의 시위자가 아니다.
보다 많은 영문 자료를 얻을 수 있는 곳들
http://interceder.net/dashboard/Hanjin
KMWU calls for urgent solidarity support
[로이터 통신] In Reuters: FEATURE-Woman striker rallies Korea workers from the top of a crane
[CNN]In CNN: Protesters, police clash in South Korea
[알 자지라] In Al Jazeera:
User Story: South Korean Actress Promotes Labour Protest
The Stream - South Korean Ship Yard Battle Continues
The Stream - Hanjin Workers' Struggle Continues - Kim Jin-suk & Sungmi Park & Precy Dagooc
더 많은 이미지를 보기 위해서는 여기를 클릭하세요.
For more images, visit here.
***영어 원본은 여기에: http://wlcentral.org/node/2129 있습니다!
해고는 살인이다: 대량 해고와 경찰의 폭력적인 노동권 탄압에 맞서는 단결된 싸움
희망버스에서 날아올린, ‘비정규직 없는 세상’을 향한 희망을 담은 풍등들.
1차 희망버스에는 총 742명이 참여했다. 2차 희망버스에는 1만 명 이상이 모였고, 희망버스의 참가자 수는 올 7월 31일 열렸던 3차에서 1만 5천 명에 달했다.
천천히, 그리고 조심스럽게 야당 정치인들도 희망버스에 동참하기 시작했다. 지상 35미터에서의 투쟁에 연대를 표하기 위해 부당 해고의 피해자들이 연 수많은 집회들이 전국적으로 쉬지 않고 이어졌다. 동참자들의 수는 누구도 예상하지 못했던 정도로 불어났다. 주류 언론들과 몇몇 정치인들은 이제 200일을 넘긴 85호 크레인 위에서의 시위를 계속하는 김진숙 씨와 연대하는 각종 집회 참여자들을 일컫는 ‘폭력적인 제 3자’라는 말을 주조해내기까지 했다.
그러나 그 ‘폭력적인 제 3자’는 사실 전혀 ‘제 3자’가 아니다 – 지상 35미터에서부터의 투쟁은 단지 한진의 노동권 탄압만을 폭로하기 위한 것이 아니며, 6월에 있었던, 조건부로 정리해고를 수락하겠다는 한진 노조의 결정에만 맞서는 싸움인 것도 아니기 때문이다.
해고는 살인이다: 싸움의 시작 –
쌍용자동차 정리해고자들의 투쟁과 공권력이라는 이름의 유혈 진압
1.줄거리: 정리해고에 맞선 77일간의 싸움
2009년 5월, 한국에서 가장 큰 자동차공업회사 중 하나이자 100개 이상의 해외 지부를 둔 쌍용자동차가 2,405명의 직원들을 대상으로 하는 정리해고 신청서를 제출했다. 노조는 ‘경영난’이라는 이름으로 자행된 정리해고에 맞선 총파업을 선언하였다.
사측은 직장 폐쇄와 해고자들을 상대로 희망 퇴직을 신청할 것을 종용하는 협박 편지를 보내는 것으로 맞섰다. 이에 서너 명의 노동자들이 뇌출혈과 심근 경색으로 세상을 떠났다.
노동자들은 쌍용자동차 평택 공장에서 점거농성을 시작했고, 이 농성은 한국 노동사에서 잊혀질 수 없는 77일간의 유혈 투쟁이 되었다.
7월 15일, 사측은 기자들의 현장 촬영을 막기 시작했다.
7월 16일, MBC는 사측과 경찰이 점거 중인 노동자들을 ‘몰아내는’ 데 쓰기 위해 공모한 전략을 폭로했다. 제시된 문건에는 사측과 경찰이 수면 가스 사용, 헬리콥터를 동원한 수면 박탈 등을 논의한 내용이 드러나 있었다.
그후 사측은 음식과 물의 공장 내 반입을 중단하기 시작했고, 이를 20일 열린 기자회견에서 공식적으로 밝혔다. 사측은 또한 당뇨병으로 발이 썩어들어가는 한 노동자와 최루액으로 화상을 입어 다친 노동자들을 치료하기 위해 공장으로 들어가려던 의사들까지 막았다.
8월 5일 새벽 4시, 노동자들의 투쟁은 무장 경찰들과 경찰복을 대여한 사측의 용역회사 직원들이 ‘불법점거 진압’이라는 이름으로 무제한의 폭력을 행사하는, 목숨을 건 사투로 변하기 시작했다.
2. 경찰의 진압: '전쟁'
전경들이 평택 공장 지붕에 도착하고 있다.
전경들이 8월 5일 무방비의 점거 노동자를 폭행하고 있다. 경찰은 점거 노동자들을 연행하는 데 있어 노동자들을 방패날로 찍고 곤봉으로 폭행하며 발로 차는 등 야만적인 폭력을 행사했고, 경찰 헬리콥터들은 최루액과 물대포를 쏘며 진압에 가세했다.
폭력 진압으로 인해 공장에서 추락한 노동자가 다친 모습.
보건의료연합(KFMH)이 발표한 보고서에 따르면, 점거 노동자들에게 광범위하게 살포된 최루액에는 고농도의 디클로로메탄이 포함되어 있었다. 디클로로메탄은 세계적인 화학물질 분류기준인 MSDS가 2급 발암물질이자 피부를 통해 곧장 인체에 스며들고 호흡 곤란을 유발하며, 중추신경계통 우울증을 일으키는 것으로 분류한 독성물질이다. 보고서는 또한 현장에서 추출된 최루액 중 일부는 스티로폼과 비닐을 녹일 수 있을 정도였으며 몇몇 노동자들에게서 그로 인해 화상으로 입은 상처가 발견되었다고 밝혔다.
경찰은 골절상과 찢어진 상처 등 몇몇 노동자들이 입은 심한 부상에도 불구하고 공장에서 곧바로 96명을 연행했다.
3. ‘해고’는 어떻게 ‘살인’이 되었는가: 진압 이후 총 열다섯 명의 해고 노동자 사망
죽음의 진압작전 이후, 15명의 정리해고자들이 사망했다. 그 중 6명은 자살로 세상을 떠났다. 노동환경건강연구소가 2011년 낸 보고서에 따르면, 절반이 넘는 해고 노동자들이 외상 후 스트레스 장애(PTSD) 증상을 보이고 있다. 또한 80퍼센트에 달하는 응답자들이 중증도 이상의 심각한 우울증에 시달리고 있음도 드러났다.
사측은 이에 대해 배상하기를 거부했고, 노조 조합원들을 대상으로 손해배상 소송을 냈다. 사측은 또한 충분한 생산 물량을 확보하면 무급휴직자에 한해 1년 안에 복직을 약속한다던 2009년의 공식 합의 내용도 지킬 기미를 보이지 않고 있다.
‘해고는 살인이다’는 ‘전쟁’이후에 통일된 슬로건이 되었고, 어디에서든 노동자들이 부당 해고와 기업의 노동권 탄압에 맞서 싸울 때면 빠지지 않고 등장하는 공통의 구호가 되었다.
한진도 사정이 다를 바 없다. 한진이 ‘경영난’을 빌미로 2007년부터 한국에서 정리해고한 노동자들은 현재까지 3,000 명에 이르며, 필리핀의 수빅 만에서 2007년부터 산재로 인해 사망한 노동자들은 30명 이상에 이른다.
‘외유’에서 돌아온 조남호 회장, 기자회견을 열다
한진중공업(HHIC) 회장 조남호는 한진의 정리해고 사태와 필리핀의 수빅 조선소를 건립할 당시의 탈세 의혹에 대해 열린 국회 청문회에 불참했었다. 불참에 대한 공식적인 사유는 ‘외유’였다. 그는 마침내 어제 한국에 도착했으며, 헬기를 통해 입장해 기자회견을 열었다. 경찰은 해고 노동자들과 시민들로 구성된 시위대가 기자회견장으로 들어가는 것을 막았다.
조씨는 (영도 조선소가 위치한)부산 경제에 수십억 원을 지원하겠다고 밝혔고, 희망퇴직자에 한해 정리해고 대상 노동자들의 자녀들 교육도 지원할 의사를 밝혔다. 거대한 액수를 기부하겠다는 약속에도 불구하고 그는 여전히 ‘경영난 때문에 정리해고는 불가피하다’는 입장을 고수하고 있다.
평화적으로 끝난 3차 희망버스와 4차 희망버스에 대한 준비 작업
전국에 있는 시민들이 크레인에서 고공 농성 중인 김진숙 씨에게 연대와 지지를 표하기 위해 영도로 향하는 축제이자 시위인 3차 희망버스는 2차 희망버스에 비해 별다른 큰 충돌 없이 끝났다. 전경들이 85호 크레인으로 향하는 시민들을 막아섰지만, 시민들은 그에 멀지 않은 곳에 자리를 잡고 축제를 시작했다. 축제는 밤을 새워 진행되었고, 기업들의 노동 탄압을 규탄하는 발언들, 노동 운동가들의 연설들이 펼쳐졌다. 작은 락 콘서트들도 열렸다.
4차 희망버스에 대한 공식 계획을 알리는 기자회견이 선포되자마자, 희망버스 준비팀에 대한 체포영장이 발부되었다. 희망버스 준비팀의 공식 트위터 계정은 이에 다음과 같은 멋진 말로 대답했다: “희망버스는 희망버스 준비팀이 아닙니다. 희망버스는 시민들의 열망으로 운행되니까요.”
4차 희망버스는 8월 27일, 서울에서 열릴 예정이다.
We believe in an organic system of law and order that is debated and agreed upon among the world's citizens, not corporations. We believe all citizens of the world ought to have the right to have their voices heard in the making of these laws. There are currently laws and treaties which have been accepted by many of the governing bodies of the world and we will use those laws to guide us in reporting corruption and crimes against humanity and against individual rights. We also encourage the use of these existing laws in seeking action against any activity the majority disagrees with. Most of all we encourage action to have these laws democratically debated and changed by citizens and to prevent corporations and states from making laws against citizens.
We accept and agree to be bound in our actions to the following international law. If we disagree with aspects of it, we agree to work towards a consensus for that law to be modified.
We support all protest movements and efforts to change corrupt systems which also agree to be bound in their actions by the democratically established and evolving laws and agreements below. We also support all efforts to contribute to the updating and enforcing of these laws and agreements.
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights is a 63 year old document generally agreed to be the foundation of international human rights law. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights entered into force in 1976, and serve to render a great deal of the original document ambiguous or weak. Together with the UDHR, the Covenants comprise the International Bill of Human Rights. There are many other documents that support, interpret, supplement or replace these in national law, treaties, or constitutions. We support the original Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and encourage examination of the Covenants as well as democratic efforts to effect change to these documents. We also strongly encourage action against national law that is in violation of these laws.
We feel it is timely to point out that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was adopted by the UN General Assembly on 10 December 1948, in response to the atrocities of the Second World War and the rise of fascist leaning states in the 1930s. We, like the original architects of the UDHR, recognize that the majority rule represented in a pure democracy must be subject to agreements on individual rights for there to be true justice. If the majority agree to exterminate a race of people or destroy an environment, that does not make it just.
The 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights is a 30 article document of such simplicity and beauty that we support it in its entirety and reproduce it for you here.
Article 1.
All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.
Article 2.
Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty.
Article 3.
Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person.
Article 4.
No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms.
Article 5.
No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.
Article 6.
Everyone has the right to recognition everywhere as a person before the law.
Article 7.
All are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimination to equal protection of the law. All are entitled to equal protection against any discrimination in violation of this Declaration and against any incitement to such discrimination.
Article 8.
Everyone has the right to an effective remedy by the competent national tribunals for acts violating the fundamental rights granted him by the constitution or by law.
Article 9.
No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, detention or exile.
Article 10.
Everyone is entitled in full equality to a fair and public hearing by an independent and impartial tribunal, in the determination of his rights and obligations and of any criminal charge against him.
Article 11.
(1) Everyone charged with a penal offence has the right to be presumed innocent until proved guilty according to law in a public trial at which he has had all the guarantees necessary for his defence.
(2) No one shall be held guilty of any penal offence on account of any act or omission which did not constitute a penal offence, under national or international law, at the time when it was committed. Nor shall a heavier penalty be imposed than the one that was applicable at the time the penal offence was committed.
Article 12.
No one shall be subjected to arbitrary interference with his privacy, family, home or correspondence, nor to attacks upon his honour and reputation. Everyone has the right to the protection of the law against such interference or attacks.
Article 13.
(1) Everyone has the right to freedom of movement and residence within the borders of each state.
(2) Everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own, and to return to his country.
Article 14.
(1) Everyone has the right to seek and to enjoy in other countries asylum from persecution.
(2) This right may not be invoked in the case of prosecutions genuinely arising from non-political crimes or from acts contrary to the purposes and principles of the United Nations.
Article 15.
(1) Everyone has the right to a nationality.
(2) No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his nationality nor denied the right to change his nationality.
Article 16.
(1) Men and women of full age, without any limitation due to race, nationality or religion, have the right to marry and to found a family. They are entitled to equal rights as to marriage, during marriage and at its dissolution.
(2) Marriage shall be entered into only with the free and full consent of the intending spouses.
(3) The family is the natural and fundamental group unit of society and is entitled to protection by society and the State.
Article 17.
(1) Everyone has the right to own property alone as well as in association with others.
(2) No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his property.
Article 18.
Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion; this right includes freedom to change his religion or belief, and freedom, either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship and observance.
Article 19.
Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.
Article 20.
(1) Everyone has the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and association.
(2) No one may be compelled to belong to an association.
Article 21.
(1) Everyone has the right to take part in the government of his country, directly or through freely chosen representatives.
(2) Everyone has the right of equal access to public service in his country.
(3) The will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government; this will shall be expressed in periodic and genuine elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret vote or by equivalent free voting procedures.
Article 22.
Everyone, as a member of society, has the right to social security and is entitled to realization, through national effort and international co-operation and in accordance with the organization and resources of each State, of the economic, social and cultural rights indispensable for his dignity and the free development of his personality.
Article 23.
(1) Everyone has the right to work, to free choice of employment, to just and favourable conditions of work and to protection against unemployment.
(2) Everyone, without any discrimination, has the right to equal pay for equal work.
(3) Everyone who works has the right to just and favourable remuneration ensuring for himself and his family an existence worthy of human dignity, and supplemented, if necessary, by other means of social protection.
(4) Everyone has the right to form and to join trade unions for the protection of his interests.
Article 24.
Everyone has the right to rest and leisure, including reasonable limitation of working hours and periodic holidays with pay.
Article 25.
(1) Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control.
(2) Motherhood and childhood are entitled to special care and assistance. All children, whether born in or out of wedlock, shall enjoy the same social protection.
Article 26.
(1) Everyone has the right to education. Education shall be free, at least in the elementary and fundamental stages. Elementary education shall be compulsory. Technical and professional education shall be made generally available and higher education shall be equally accessible to all on the basis of merit.
(2) Education shall be directed to the full development of the human personality and to the strengthening of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. It shall promote understanding, tolerance and friendship among all nations, racial or religious groups, and shall further the activities of the United Nations for the maintenance of peace.
(3) Parents have a prior right to choose the kind of education that shall be given to their children.
Article 27.
(1) Everyone has the right freely to participate in the cultural life of the community, to enjoy the arts and to share in scientific advancement and its benefits.
(2) Everyone has the right to the protection of the moral and material interests resulting from any scientific, literary or artistic production of which he is the author.
Article 28.
Everyone is entitled to a social and international order in which the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration can be fully realized.
Article 29.
(1) Everyone has duties to the community in which alone the free and full development of his personality is possible.
(2) In the exercise of his rights and freedoms, everyone shall be subject only to such limitations as are determined by law solely for the purpose of securing due recognition and respect for the rights and freedoms of others and of meeting the just requirements of morality, public order and the general welfare in a democratic society.
(3) These rights and freedoms may in no case be exercised contrary to the purposes and principles of the United Nations.
Article 30.
Nothing in this Declaration may be interpreted as implying for any State, group or person any right to engage in any activity or to perform any act aimed at the destruction of any of the rights and freedoms set forth herein.
WL Central began coverage of WikiLeaks in mid-November 2010. This leaves four years of WikiLeaks history, in the news and on the web, prior to the inception of WL Central. The WikiLeaks Press Archive is intended to serve as a compendium of important, interesting, or historical WikiLeaks coverage in other publications since 2006.
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Note
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Coverage in January 2010:
Coverage in March:
Coverage in April:
Coverage and web record in May:
Coverage in June:
Coverage in November 2010:
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Transcript of Julian Assange speaking during the Versus War on Drugs Debate, 13 March 2012.
Full video of the debate is available on Versus Debates' official Youtube channel.
[Beginning at 1:37:12]
Geoffrey Robertson: Well, what we need obviously and what politicians need is more information. Ask for information, go to WikiLeaks. Are you there, Julian Assange?
Julian Assange: I am, Geoffrey.
Geoffrey Robertson: How are you hanging out?
Julian Assange: Well, I'm here in some secret hotel room, not far from where I'm under house arrest.
Geoffrey Robertson: Right. And not for drugs. Let me ask you, what can you tell us from WikiLeaks cables about how the War on Drugs puts pressure on countries not to decriminalize, not to end imprisonment.
Julian Assange: Look Geoffrey, any situation which has clearly come to an impasse where there's a clear failure needs experimentation in trials and limited models around the world. And there have been steps to do that. But we see that the United States, though its diplomatic core, has been exercising its force to prevent those sort of trials. We see that sort of situation with Libya, with the interaction with the DA in 63 countries.
Geoffrey Robertson: The drugs enforcement authority part of the US surveillance, I think it's got offices in 63 countries, hasn't it?
Julian Assange: Yes, in 63 countries and we even see cables from Paraguay showing how the DA agreed to allow the Paraguayan Government to use DA surveillance facilities to surveil some of its political opponents in Paraguay.
Geoffrey Robertson: And, as far as you're concerned, how does it come down for you? Is there a question of individual rights here, of the right to change your own mind, to decide what you put in your own body? The right to decide how you'll think and imagine?
Julian Assange: Well I think we must start at basic principles and basic principles say that we, as individuals, have a right to our own self-determination. We have the right to freedom of thought. We have the right to freedom of speech. And provided that we do not engage in some sort of violence to others, then our rights to do what we will with our own thoughts and our own body are sacrosanct. And the state should not be interfering with those rights. In order to keep our freedom of thought we should have the right to control our own mental states. And that gives some people extra creativity and that is something that we need all across the world.
Geoffrey Robertson: And so the 166 million people who take cannabis, according to Mr. Costa's report, they have a certain basic liberty to decide how they're going to think and imagine, and what drugs they're going to use for relaxation, for pleasure, perhaps to reduce pain.
Julian Assange: Well Geoffrey, we should look at marijuana as a good example. I mean, this is a drug that is about as addictive as potatoes, and yet it is being swept up into this so-called war on drugs. We have to remember, we really do have a war on drugs, and like all wars it is a racket. It is a racket which has bought up huge industries that fight and lobby to keep the money flowing.
Geoffrey Robertson: Richard Branson, last words from you. Is civil liberty part of the demand to end the war on drugs? Part of the reason?
Richard Branson: Absolutely.
[...]
Eliot Spitzer: I want to go to Peter Hitchens because Peter was so effective at winning over the audience earlier this evening. So Peter... But I want you to make and close tonight, and Lord Blair, I'm sorry we're just running out of time, but Peter make the moral argument. This is not just a matter of mechanistic policy, there is a moral imperative from your view, what is it?
Peter Hitchens: Well, the main point is that taking drugs is itself wrong and that is why they are illegal. And one of the reasons we don't address this is because of the extreme selfishness of our society in which so many people imagine that their own pleasure trumps everything else. Julian Assange said that he was sovereign over his own body. Well maybe he doesn't have anybody who cares about him. But if your family has to put up with you after you've destroyed your mental health or in some other way deeply damaged yourself by taking drugs, then you and they will discover that you are not an island and you have responsibilities to other people. And if there is no other force apart from the law which will deter you from taking that semi-suicidal step, then the law needs to be there. That's the main and fundamental point. The other things I hear Sir Richard Branson talking about the taking of drugs, and particularly of that especially dangerous drug cannabis, sordidly promoted as safe and soft, as a freedom comparable apparently to the freedoms of thought, speech, and assembly, which make this and others a free country. How can that be? The purpose of drugs is to befuddle us, to cloud our brains, to make us passive. If we are discontented with the society in which we live, surely it is utterly wrong and immoral to turn away from that, to dope ourselves into passivity, to make ourselves perfect fodder for dictators, despots, and propagandists, rather than to criticize, change, and reform the society which we find repulsive. And I turn to people on the other side and I mean to be polite to them, and I say the politest thing that I say about them, is that they are defeatists, dupes, and profoundly irresponsible. And I very much hope that their message fails and fails and fails again.
Eliot Spitzer: Thank you all.
Emily Maitlis: Thank you very much. We are going to bring you the result now, I think. Is that right? We're not going to bring you the result yet, we're going to have a little bit more free-flowing conversation, and I think the best place to pick up is... Julian Assange. What do you make of Peter Hitchens' statement that taking drugs is wrong and that is why they're illegal, if you're still there.
Julian Assange: Well, I was just about to say, I couldn't believe that you gave that twat the last word. But apparently, it's not so. Look, there's a certain form of Calvinism about the different types of drugs that we see. For example, nicotine which makes one work harder and work faster and burn out faster, that's perfectly legal. So is coffee, it is perfectly legal and makes one work faster and harder. But those drugs which make one relax or make one more imaginative, those drugs are made illegal. And that's some Western, European Calvinism. Of course, we can all see the problems with severe heroin addiction, but we can all see the solutions so far have not worked. So we need a time of sensible, scientific, regulatory experimentation to see what works and what doesn't work, and if it works in one place perhaps it can be cloned in another. At the moment we have an enormous drug war lobby, that is the fact, billions of dollars spent every year by that lobby pushing its desires to keep the drug war going. As a result, corrupting bureaucracy and producing restrictions apply which causes cartels which themselves corrupt other countries near drug suppliers.
Interview originally aired on ABC RadioNational Breakfast, 9 March 2012 at 7:33AM.
Audio is available at the ABC website.
Fran Kelly: While no formal charges have been made, but Julian Assange has waged a year-long battle in Britain to avoid extradition to Sweden to be questioned by authorities about sexual assault allegations made by two women back in 2010. The WikiLeaks founder now awaits the judgement of the British Supreme Court to his appeal against a lower court's decision to uphold the validity of the Swedish arrest warrant. Quite apart from concerns about how his case may be handled within Sweden, Julian Assange also fears extradition from Sweden to the United States. And giving credence to some of those concerns, late last month a confidential internal email from within the U.S. intelligence community revealed that American authorities have a sealed indictment of conspiracy charges waiting for Julian Assange. And the WikiLeaks founder joins you now from Britain: Julian Assange, good morning.
Julian Assange: Good morning, Fran.
Fran Kelly: Julian Assange, how soon do you expect that ruling from the Supreme Court to come down?
Julian Assange: It could come down any moment. The Supreme Court told us it would not come down before the 4th of March, and we're already there, so any time this month we're expecting the ruling.
Fran Kelly: And, if you lose what would happen? Will you be immediately detained and under what conditions? What do you know?
Julian Assange: If we lose then formally we have some seven days to file an appeal with the EU. However, the EU never issues injunctions in relation to inter-EU extraditions. It's the view of the European Court of Human Rights: you can sort it out at the other end, given that you are already in the EU. So, essentially we have about ten days after the Supreme Court decision is made and then I will be seized and taken by force to Sweden. Now, that's a situation which you would think wouldn't be too concerning, given that no charges have been laid, and the sort-of investigation has already been dropped multiple times. But since the London Indepedent has revealed that the U.S. and Sweden have been in informal talks about onwards extradition since the 8th of December and recently we have seen this information about an indictment in the Grand Jury proceedings in Washington for espionage. And that, presumably, would then be activated in Sweden. It's not to say that matters here in the UK are safe either, however. The UK/U.S. extradition treaty is quite favorable to the United States; it does not need to present evidence. So every day that it sort of ticks by here in the UK, we also run the risk that the U.S. warrant will be served on me in the UK.
Fran Kelly: Have you had any indication from authorities in the UK that there are negotiations or talks with the U.S. about that? Or that that is underway?
Julian Assange: None directly in relation to the UK. However, we have tried to get out information under the Freedom of Information Act within the UK and it has been blocked under the basis that it might interfere with the diplomatic relations of the UK and another nation. Normally that information should be revealed. There is information there. It is not being released under the basis that it has something to do with the UK's international diplomacy.
Fran Kelly: So is this why you're talking now? Are you afraid this might be one of the last chances before the Supreme Court rules and, as you say, you are seized and taken by force to Sweden?
Julian Assange: Well, it's one of the reasons, but remember that the Australian Government really has failed to act here. But it hasn't just failed to act for me, it has failed to act for WikiLeaks, the organization. WikiLeaks is an Australian organization, registered in Australia. It's an organization that a lot of Australians have something to do with. It's an organization that Australia—the Australian Government—should be proud of as an export industry. And the Australian Government is not just sort-of unconcerned about my fate, it is also unconcerned about the fate of other Australian journalists, such as Austin Mackell who is now trapped in Egypt with very little support from the Australian Government. And, why is that? It seem that the reason is that once politicians get to Canberra, they then essentially remove from the Australian community and they start to enter into a diplomatic community and start developing connections with persons in other countries around the world. And of course, the largest sort-of diplomatic power that Australia deals with is the United States. So, Australian politicians enter into developing a new form of patronage network that extends overseas into Washington. Many of these politicians have been good at sort-of rising up through the ranks of power, in Australia, by sucking up to the next most powerful person. And when they get to the height of Australian power they continue that same basic methodology into the United States. And that is why Australian politicians have not stood up for Australians in the past. And that's why they're not standing up for WikiLeaks and it's why they're also not standing up for Austin Mackell.
Fran Kelly: You're listening to AM Breakfast. Our guest this morning is WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange. He's joining us from Britain where, as I say, he's been for a long time now under essentially house arrest, waiting currently for a decision by the British Supreme Court on an extradition order to Sweden. Well, as you say, Australian politicians certainly haven't been standing up for you. Some of them are concerned though, I mean they don't agree with the action you and WikiLeaks have taken in leaking those cables.
Julian Assange: Well, some have actually stood up. And it's very interesting to see who does and who doesn't. For example, Malcolm Fraser has stood up, John Howard has stood up. So it's those politicians who are in Canberra busy trying to keep their relationships going, trying to climb the ladders of power. Those who are already out of it, like Malcolm Fraser and John Howard, take a different approach. And similarly to other people in Australia. So we've had extensive support from Australian media and Australian lawyers. The Australian community is extremely supportive. It's just not most politicians in Canberra. There are some notable exceptions; some Green politicians have really stood up for us over time.
Fran Kelly: Behind the scenes, as an Australian citizen, are you or any of your team in contact with the Australian Embassy officials? Are you getting any support from Australia and are you seeking it?
Julian Assange: Well look, frankly they're almost completely useless. They say that they have provided us... had extensive contact with us, but every sort-of SMS or email about possibly meeting us, possibly sometime in the future, they list down in response to center questions about this subject as contact with us. There has been essentially... Well I mean, I don't consider any of this support that the Foreign Ministry claims to have provided, apart from in one small area to be of significance. It's certainly not the sort of thing that they're claiming. I notice in the Austin Mackell case they're saying they're providing extensive higher-level consulate support, etc. But I know what this means. This just means a few sort of form letters that have gone from one place to another. It's all about box-ticking. It's not about doing anything, because to do something would interfere with the sort-of cocktail part circuit that these guys like to maintain themselves on going into the United States. It should be understood that, I mean the U.S.—certain sections of the U.S.... I mean, we do actually have over 40% support of the U.S. population. But certain sections of the United States are actively campaigning in Canberra. One week before Obama turned up, the U.S. Ambassador Jeff Bleich said to the Australian media in relation to my extradition, if I was to end up in Australia, Australia will have to reconsider its extradition obligations. And we get reports back from Canberra MPs that people from the U.S. Embassy have been lobbying them in relation to us. It's simply unacceptable that we keep getting back these reports about U.S. lobbying against us in Canberra. Neither is acceptable.We have high-level journalists working for respected Australian media outlets having gone in to Canberra to visit the Prime Minister and visit the Department of Foreign Affairs, coming out and telling me personally, "Whatever you do, you must not go into custody. You must not."
Fran Kelly: What do you want the Australian Government to do? Do you want them to say that if you came to Australia you would be safe from extradition? Is that what you want?
Julian Assange: The Australian Government should say to Sweden, that if I go to Sweden—should demand of Sweden—that if I go to Sweden, then I will immediately return to Australia following any sort of legal proceedings there. The big issue is whether there is some onwards extradition from Sweden. So far the Australian Government has refused to do that. In Sweden there is an extraordinary media climate that people should look into over the last week. This year alone, we have been—and myself personally—have been attacked by the Swedish Prime Minister, the Swedish Foreign Minister Carl Bildt. There has been numerous front page stories attacking this organization, saying that this organization is planning to—has been, in fact—spying on all the editors in Sweden, that it plans to surround Swedish embassies, that it plans to drive a smear campaign on all of Sweden. That is what is in Sweden right now. That is front page news in Sweden. Those editors refuse to provide their sources, refuse to enter into debate on Swedish public TV, even though Swedish public TV has offered that. So there's a sort of build-up campaign in Sweden right now for my onwards extradition. Sweden is not a country at the moment where one can feel at all comfortable about having either a fair trial, but more importantly, the political atmosphere in Sweden is developing such that politically it is possible for Sweden to re-extradite me to the United States. And that's a fact and the Australian Government should be looking into that.
Fran Kelly: So basically, you're thinking that all roads point to the U.S. Are you frightened of being sentenced to life in a U.S. jail? Is that what you're frightened of?
Julian Assange: Well, we've seen this week the UN Rapporteur on Torture denounced the treatment of Bradley Manning, one of our alleged sources, who was held in solitary confinement for nine months straight. The United States Government has refused to cooperate under the UN torture mandate with the United Nations to investigate what has happened in that case. Bradley Manning's lawyers say that Bradley Manning was treated that way in order to force him into a confession in relation to me. That's the public record, that is what his lawyer is saying, that is what has come out in the pre-trial hearings in the United States. So, this is an embarrassed superpower and those elements of it will do everything possible to try and look like they still have still control, to try and look like they still have authority. The Pentagon stood up in a 40-minute press conference and demanded of me personally on international TV for 40 minutes that we must destroy all our previous work, we must destroy all our upcoming publications, and we must never deal with U.S. Military sources or whistleblowers again. And we negated those demands. We kept to our promises. We published everything that we said we were going to publish. And there were world-wide reforms and debates as a result, which is what this organization was started for. But that has humiliated certain sections of the United States Government and they are after revenge at any cost.
Fran Kelly: So, Julian Assange, it sounds as though you expect, or anticipate, you might lose this extradition order, you might end up in Sweden, and end up in the U.S. If you are suddenly taken away, if you are suddenly, as you say, seized and taken by force to Sweden, and we don't hear from you again, or for a long time, what's your message to supporters?
Julian Assange: My message is, you know, you can lock up a person, but the idea continues. We have had strong support from the Australian public and Australian media for which I personally and the organization is very thankful. And I'm certain that support will really ramp up in a significant way. Bob Carr has still yet to show his colors. He's a strong character and a strong individual. He's a historian and a journalist. So perhaps he will come out swinging for us. On the other hand, perhaps not. It is something I think that all Australians should be angry about. That I would say, don't wait for me or someone else to be extradited. Y'know, to a degree everything's too late by then. If people are going to stand up, they need to stand up now, to protect me, to protect our organization, to protect our work. We also have another forty or something supporters who are involved in various court cases, we have an extrajudicial banking blockade, and so on. The war on WikiLeaks is an all front, it is not just on me, but I am the most visible sort-of victim of it.
Fran Kelly: Julian Assange, thank you very much for joining us on Breakfast.
Julian Assange: Thank you, Fran.
Fran Kelly: WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange. And any day now he will get that judgement from the British Supreme Court on whether he will be extradited to Sweden to face questions on sexual assault charges.
(Note: Despite Fran Kelly correctly stating Julian Assange had not be charged at the beginning of the interview, she incorrectly states he is facing charges at the end. Julian Assange has not been charged.)
Interview originally aired on ABC RadioNational Late Night Live, 29 March 2012 at 10:05PM.
Audio is available at the ABC website.
Norman Swan: And now an interview that we were going to do Monday, but we are now going to do tonight, which many of you were waiting keenly on, with Julian Assange. Who's nearing... What is it, Julian, 500 days in house arrest?
Julian Assange: I've lost count, Norman. I think it's 500 in 24 days.
Norman Swan: Where are you? Where are you under house arrest?
Julian Assange: I'm outside the city of London in the country. It's a bit isolating, but it's necessary for security reasons.
Norman Swan: But it's not a little shed. You're in a quite comfortable house.
Julian Assange: It's a small country holiday house, but it's comfortable enough. And I am in a fortunate position to have some good friends in this country to be cared for.
Norman Swan: Right. Getting a bit of noise on your phone there, Julian. Is there a bit of wind coming through or something like that?
Julian Assange: There is. I stepped outside, Norman, because it was breaking up again. Let me move into another room; maybe the reception will be better.
Norman Swan: Okay.
Julian Assange: Go ahead, Norman.
Norman Swan: Well, we're certainly getting an audio tour of your incarceration, Julian. So what's the situation; you're waiting on the Supreme Court handing down the appeal on the extradition.
Julian Assange: Yes. So we had a very big Supreme Court case here, which in itself is quite interesting. So the Supreme Court said the matter was of great public importance. There's concerns whether in the European Union one state can extradite a person from another state without any charges being made, without any evidence being given, and when the person issuing the extradition request is not even a judge, but is a policeman or a prosecutor. So that really goes from the mental notion of statehood. Because really a key ingredient to statehood is that you have the monopoly on the deployment of coercive force. And so if other, policemen say, in other countries in the EU, are able to take the reigns of coercive force in England or in other EU countries, then how does that redefine the state in the EU? Really it does, in fact, create an EU as a nation-state as opposed to an EU as a mechanism which permits states within the EU to cooperate. Another being part of an ideological project in the EU amounted to the Cold War to try and produce a United States of America. And that's a particular aspect in relation to extraditions within the EU came in after 9/11—in response to 9/11—saying that this mechanism was necessary for terrorist extraditions from one state to another, to do things very quickly, without evidence, without even charge.
Norman Swan: And if you win, putting aside the impact on you, if you win then it creates a crisis in terms of internal extradition processes within the European Union.
Julian Assange: It's hard to say. I mean, ideally that would be the case. And it would solidify more common law notions about—to be fair, which are included in the EU constitution—that there should not be punishment before trial, that decisions that are made that effect someone's liberty must be reviewable by the courts. And so, if I win it could be within the context of simply that Swedish policemen are not able to do this. But it will set some kind of important precedent.
Norman Swan: And is there a double-jeopardy, can they reissue the extradition order from a more appropriate source and get around the finding of a Supreme Court?
Julian Assange: Yeah, so they can.
Norman Swan: So they might not end with this.
Julian Assange: The Swedes could reform their system to be compliant with the British Law. The British Law demands that a judicial authority issue an extradition warrant. So they could bring their system into compliance with that and reissue, but that's not really the big concern. What is likely if I do win then the United States will issue its request for extradition, and they can simply do that by telephone call. And then they have 40 days to put in the actual extradition papers themselves.
Norman Swan: Why haven't they done that yet? I mean what grounds would they have for doing that? Is that via the Bradley Manning case?
Julian Assange: That's via this Bradley Manning case. There has been a Grand Jury meeting every month, several days a month, in Washington D.C. for the past 14 or so months, since September 2010. And that Grand Jury goes for a period of 18 months. Information has come out from several sources that this Grand Jury has a indictment against me already, but they're keeping it sealed until the appropriate moment comes to release it. And the U.S. Ambassador to the UK, Susman, said early last year that they were waiting for the Swedish case before considering their moves. So, that's all fair report that we hear back from our people in Canberra, that everyone's sort-of happy with the Swedish solution and as well to ship me off to Sweden and then Sweden has to deal with the matter.
Norman Swan: But in fact in the United States it's over the breach of security and WikiLeaks, rather than the case in Sweden which is alleged sexual assault.
Julian Assange: The case in Sweden has no charges, it's all very odd. There is no case to that degree. There is a demand by a Swedish prosecutor from Gothenburg that I be extradited to Sweden for questioning. And she has refused to use all the standard EU mechanisms such as the mutual systems treaty or Skype or telephone call or anything else—even though that is normally done in Sweden—to question me. So we believe that this questioning is in fact not a legitimate activity, if it was legitimate...
Norman Swan: So this is where your conspiracy theory, if you like, is that they're doing this so that America can extradite you directly from Sweden.
Julian Assange: Well, like all rare circumstances, like a jumbo jet going down, it tends to be many unusual factors coming together. And in this particular case, there's a Swedish national election just one month after the arrest. And this guy Claes Borgström was running the Swedish election and the complainants all from the same party, the Social Democratic party. So there's national factors and there's also geopolitical factors because Sweden has run very close over the past 10 years to the United States.
Norman Swan: Let's talk about the United States for a moment and why they're going after you. I mean, WikiLeaks is an organization, it has many members, it has members who are public, not a secret, who has been involved in WikiLeaks at the top. Why do you think America would be focusing on you rather than a corporate group, you know, 5 or 6 people that could be easily identified as being involved with WikiLeaks.
Julian Assange: It's the principle of general deterrent, Norman. WikiLeaks has been going for over 5 years, we've done material from over 120 countries. But in our publications about the United States in 2010, we've reached a certain level of publicity which was of global prominence. And the United States, the Pentagon, made a 40-minute press conference demanding of me personally, by name, and the White House as well, that we destroy all our previous publications that had come from the U.S. Government, we destroy all future publications that we had in our possession that we would publish, and that we cease dealing with U.S. military employees full stop. And of course we said that those demands were unacceptable and we would not be following them and we did not. In fact, we published everything that we said we were going to publish. But look at it this way: the Pentagon made an international, public demand and said that they would coerce us in that press conference if we did not fulfill that demand and they failed. So what credibility does the Pentagon have now? To stand up and say North Korea must do something, we demand it must do something, or an African state must do something, or Thailand must permit greater importation of tobacco. It simply has no credibility in terms of its authority anymore because it couldn't apply its authority to us, so it has to reestablish its authority with the group that defied its authority.
Norman Swan: Julian, how are you sleeping?
Julian Assange: Well, I'm pretty busy, Norman. I don't sleep much, but you know that the work that we have done over the past five years and this tremendous international battle that we have been through over the past two years, I am proud, I understand the significance of what we all have achieved, and I am very proud of it.
Norman Swan: Right, but you know what I'm asking. I'm asking about your psychological state. You run the potential of... you could lose this case, you could go to Sweden, you could be extradited to the United States, you could spend a long time in jail. You're sounding remarkably relaxed on the phone. Are you really relaxed?
Julian Assange: Well, you know since July 2010 we've been going through this every week or every couple months, that someone's been seized or raid or detained or I've been arrested or imprisoned or about to be extradited and so on. Now we are reaching the end of the road, if you like, because the matter has reached the Supreme Court and there's no legal alternative left there, merely political alternatives left. But you know, you adapt to everything.
Norman Swan: So is part of this frenetic activity as distraction?
Julian Assange: It is distracting. And I mean, what else can you do in such a situation? I believe in certain things and we're working towards those things and it is very satisfying for me to do that. We must all understand that we only live once anyway, and life is not so long anyway, so one should live your life fully and do something that you believe in. And what we have been doing I believe in and it has been successful.
Norman Swan: How are things going in WikiLeaks itself? You hear stories of internal disagreements, not being as coherent as it used to. How is the organization itself?
Julian Assange: Well, it's funny you mention this, Norman, because this is all nonsense. We had, during the sort-of big attack on us, like all organizations some people are stronger and some people are weaker. And we lost two people from the whole organization, two people. And that was in 2010.
Norman Swan: But one of them's pretty senior. Somebody who went way back with you.
Julian Assange: No, not at all. Not at all. This is simply spin. And you know when there's a big news story, people want to be in on the news story and so they start claiming authority and proximity that they never had. And that's something we have seen over the past year. And there has been no problems with the organization, no resignations—and there wasn't even a resignation; someone was suspended—there's been no suspensions since this dramatic moment in late 2010. And yet we see these sort of issues constantly bought up by our press competitors, and we should look at it that way...
Norman Swan: Press competitors?
Julian Assange: Yes, that WikiLeaks is involved in sort-of three fields of operation. One, yes we are holding very powerful organizations to account, who of course lash back and they try and discredit the message by attacking the messenger and they want to reassert their authority.
Norman Swan: That's government.
Julian Assange: That's government and sometimes big corporations like the Bank of America which set up permission to a two-million dollar a month campaign to attack us through HB Gary, U.S. intelligence firm. And then there are our media organization competitors. So we are a media organization, we have produced more words than the New York Times in the equivalent period. And so we are a competitor in that raw sense as a competitor for providing the public information. And then in relation to individual journalists, you know we have over 90 media organizations that work with us and hundreds of journalists, but there are many more who do not. So those who do not, they are social competitors. Those journalists particularly who have tried to market themselves as protectors of freedom of the press or being on the left to the degree that they are holding governments or entrenched authority to account. Those journalists are in social competition with us. Media organizations are in economic competition; those journalists see themselves as in social competition with us, and rightly so, because their grandiloquent claims of holding authority to account in fact are rather diminutive when compared to what we have achieved over the past two years. We work with many fine journalists from around the world, and also many fine media organizations, but there are many who are more about the marketing than they are about action. And our actions have shown their marketing for what it is.
Norman Swan: So it sounds as if, I mean apart from you last comment, that you've built a fair degree of wall around yourself thinking that the world is against you.
Julian Assange: We have friends and we have enemies. A superpower like the United States is a superpower because it has its tentacles in so many different places. This is not to say that it is engaged in all sorts of secret conspiracies—although of course it is engaged in a vast array of secret operations—but rather the areas are sort-of a gradient of interest. And people all over the world of certain types try and curry favor with people that they perceive to be more powerful than them, is not necessarily a matter of instruction but rather people who are perceived to be powerful, others attempt to do them favors in order to get prestige or placement or patronage. And, on the other hand, we have a lot of friends who understand that system. Reuters did a survey of 24 countries involving 19,000 people looking at what their relative support for WikiLeaks was over the world. If we look at the top 5 countries, the most supportive countries, whose support was up at the 80% level, we see South Africa was the most supportive country, Germany, Argentina, Russia, and Australia. Australia is unique, but these other four countries, what do they have in common? Well, these are countries that have thrown off a regime within living memory and they understand the abuses of government.
Norman Swan: Well, and some of them, like Russia, hate America.
Julian Assange: Maybe. But why are they... you know, China wasn't up there, for example, in that front. China is a more conservative authoritarian country. These other countries, they have thrown off a previous regime and they understand the importance of things like the Stasi archives, the national archives showing the bad behavior of government, and that publishing is a way to get the truth. And in South Africa you had the Truth and Reconciliation Commission process which brought out the mechanisms of government. And if we go to the other end, we have the United States as the least supportive, and Britain as the second least supportive. But nonetheless, support in these countries, support in the United States runs to 40% of the population. That is despite the sort-of domestic propaganda within the United States that revealing classified information is treason. That's not true in most cases. So the population, despite a hostile media within the United States, is incredibly resilient at seeing through deliberate attempts to try and push a particular agenda.
Norman Swan: You're listening to Late Night Live with me, Norman Swan. I'm talking to Julian Assange. Julian, is Stratfor a competitor?
Julian Assange: That's quite interesting.
Norman Swan: Well that's what people are saying, that's why you took them down because they're a competitor of yours.
Julian Assange: Well, I did think about this. I did think about this, that to a degree...
Norman Swan: I should explain to people who might not know what we're talking about, Stratfor is a subscription service, private intelligence, giving you intelligence about the world and so on. And you, I think, what is it, 5 million emails or something like that through WikiLeaks were released recently and some people believe that was a competitive action.
Julian Assange: Well, we are source-driven, Norman. We spend extra analytical attention on matters that we think will have greater impact. But we are source-driven in terms of information that comes to us. But if we look at Stratfor, perhaps describes it a bit generously, this is an organization which we have discovered and published engages in bribing people around the world to collect information, which it then uses for...
Norman Swan: But another interpretation of that is that they're like a newspaper and they're just paying people for contributions the way a correspondence would.
Julian Assange: That's not true. It didn't start like that and it's not ending like that. And now information is showing that it isn't like that. In fact it does three things with its information: Number one, it collects that information and it feeds that information on to its private clients, like the U.S. military, U.S. intelligence, Coca-Cola corporation, Dow Chemical to spy on Bhopal activists and so on. So it is, in that extent, a private intelligence organization. It also takes that information and it is attempting to use it in something called Stratcap which is its own captive investment vehicle. So it is using information gleaned from these bribes to invest in particular stocks, invest in current...
Norman Swan: I hear what you're saying, Julian, that you're source-driven, but this seems to have been a deliberate attack by Anonymous, the hacking organization, to do it for you. It looks as if it was a fairly deliberate attack to take down Stratfor by Anonymous.
Julian Assange: You have to understand, Norman, that as a source-protection organization I can't speak at all about sourcing-related matters. Only to say that our system that we have developed is one that is designed to give the maximum protection to sources by keeping them even anonymous to us.
Norman Swan: Now Julian, you talked about Russia being big fans of WikiLeaks. You've already recorded a 10-part series with Russia Today, one of the Russian television stations, is that right?
Julian Assange: That's correct. We recorded the 10th episode two days ago.
Norman Swan: And this is an interview-based program, I hear.
Julian Assange: It's an interview-based program. It came out of me being isolated under house arrest, but nonetheless needing to understand the world and try and use the information from my understanding to protect our people and help run the organization and also help analyze the material we're getting.
Norman Swan: And who are your guests?
Julian Assange: So we thought, well, given that we need to get people anyway over to see me because I'm so isolated, and they're quite interesting people and perhaps we should film it and release the film.
Norman Swan: And can you tell us who you've interviewed?
Julian Assange: And other people shared in that. So some of the guests have said that they had been interviewed, for example the President of Tunisia, and Alaa, a famous Egyptian revolutionary, and the leader of the Bahrainian democratic movement, and David Horowitz, a right-wing Zionist from the United States. There's quite a range.
Norman Swan: And so how do you live with yourself, given that Russia is about 142nd on the world's list of press freedom and this is a Kremlin-run station.
Julian Assange: Well, you're talking about the license that Russia Today has bought. So, we have our own production company, we produce everything, and we sell licenses to any media that wish to buy licenses for the production. There is no editorial input from any of the licensees, including Russia Today.
Norman Swan: But they've instigated it, haven't they, they're the primary...
Julian Assange: The BBC didn't chose to buy a license, you know. No, they didn't instigate it; that is absolutely false.
Norman Swan: So you offered it to them.
Julian Assange: That's correct. We offered licenses and others such as the Sydney Morning Herald and The Australian are also requesting licenses. But it's interesting, Norman, that you have this perception, this deception that somehow Russia Today is producing this, when this is just a licensee. Why do you have this deception? Because we released the press release that we were engaged in this very interesting production and then some days later Russia Today said they had proudly bought a license. Now, that you have the perception that you have because certain groups wish to spread an attack on us saying, 'Look, oh Julian Assange the great defender of press freedom, WikiLeaks the great defender of press freedom, has gotten into bed with the Kremlin, is employed by the Kremlin, is working for the Kremlin,' when that is false. This is another example of how traditional media dynamics are used to distort what the actual picture is. And if we look more broadly, because I want to pull out of this now, and look at the different media organizations. So, in terms of penetration to United States for foreign media network, the BBC has number one penetration, Russia Today has number two, and Al Jazeera has number three. So from our perspective, Russia Today has the second best penetration into the United States and therefore is a good deal to us if the BBC wouldn't buy a license, and of course they won't.
Norman Swan: We only have a couple minutes left, Julian, and I can't avoid talking about your discussion of running for the senate. I mean, is this just words or do you think you can really do it?
Julian Assange: I think we can do it. We've looked closely at the legal situation.
Norman Swan: Which state would you run in?
Julian Assange: Well, I've lived in in fact every state in Australia, but have particularly strong connections to Queensland, New South Wales, Victoria, and South Australia. So picking between those states is sort of a strategic matter. There's interesting reasons for different states that we need to look at, say, the senate make up within those states and the fraction that is required and the relative existing sort-of preference swaps that are occurring. That's a strategic matter, but I do have... my father lives in New South Wales, my mother's in Victoria and so on.
Norman Swan: We will watch with interest, Julian, and good luck in your court case.
Julian Assange: Okay. Thank you, Norman.
Norman Swan: Thank you very much.
Gavin MacFadyen is the director of the Centre for Investigative Journalism. He spoke on a panel entitled "Dossier WikiLeaks: Italian secrets. By those on the inside" at the International Journalism Festival in Perugia, Italy, 28 April 2012. Video is available at the IFJ website.
I was a television investigative reporter in London for 25 years and dealt in 100 or more investigative mainstream programs which involved the lives and difficulties of 15 or 16 major whistleblowers, people who gave up a great deal to come to journalists for help to expose what they felt were crimes of conscience, terrible abuses of human rights, and all the rest. Most of the people who came in this period were torturers and murderers financed by governments who had had enough and wanted to speak out, and so we provided the facilities for them to do that.
But what of course was always disturbing was that we had no facility inside our own news organizations and our own news rooms to handle the human consequences, the bad things that almost inevitably happened to these whistleblowers. They'd lose their homes, they'd lose their cars, particularly they'd lose their spouses. It was a never-ending crisis for them. And we had nothing to do except to field the phone calls and offer sympathy, but we had no institutional means of doing it. And that was a frustration I think many of us felt who didn't want to abandon people who'd helped us. But who, in the great press of events, one story after another after another, and you're all the way around the world somewhere else, you couldn't deal with somebody still in Liverpool who'd helped you two years before.
In my case one particular whistleblower was a guy who'd been in the National Front, which is a fascist organization in the north of England, and he worked with me for nine months. The film was very successful. It reduced, I'm proud to say, the vote by 12% across the country after the film went out against the National Front. But this poor guy having talked to us was eventually tracked down over two years and stabbed on the street and he barely survived. And I was actually in California when that happened, and I just couldn't do anything about it other than to speak to the family. But there was no institutional protection. They were kind of abandoned. And so it was always this praying on my conscience, in a sense, that there was nothing that we could really do.
Now, what I think is extraordinary about WikiLeaks is that it was designed as a platform to provide security for these people, to make it possible for them to speak without fear, and to ensure that they could give the information to the public that they felt—and as a matter of conscience—they were obliged to do. And so when I first heard about this in 2007, there was an IT magazine in Britain, and I was reading it and there was some comment in it that said, 'There's a guy in Germany who is doing some very good work trying to build a platform for whistleblowers.' So I tried to find out who this was and nobody would tell me who it was. And eventually somebody said there was a guy called just 'J' and if I contacted this guy called 'J' somehow, he would tell me about this project. So eventually I did through a series of other hackers in London and in France and I was put in touch with him and he was, I wouldn't say he was entirely outgoing at first, because I was an American. But in the end he did tell me about it and I was really impressed that the entire focus of that project was now to provide security for people who wouldn't then be brutalized or victimized and subject to the travails that anybody who stands up against a huge organization is subject to.
The people that I had spoken to, who were whistleblowers, include--I just made a brief list of them--of the 16 that I can talk of, most were military, CIA, medical researchers, congressional and parliamentary researchers, corporate insiders. And towards that end, because of my experience with corporate insiders, in the United States, in Britain, in France, I was a technical adviser on a movie called "The Insider." I don't know if any of you have ever seen that, but it was a story about a tobacco whistleblower in the states who paid a huge personal price for what he did: bullets were placed in his mailbox, he was subjected to horrendous social and medical pressures.
I worked with another whistleblower in General Electric in an analysis of apartheid funding after the collapse of apartheid. And this guy was threatened by General Electric with extraordinary results. They called him into an office and said, "We know who you're talking to," meaning, I guess, us, "and if you continue talking to them tomorrow, your wife will die." And he said, "What do you... my wife!" And they said, "Your wife is on medical insurance provided by this company and if you continue talking to these people, to these journalists, we will remove her medical insurance." And so I was then placed in a position of trying to find within my own company enough resources to cover her insurance, which we did. But had there been WikiLeaks at that time, the whole question would never have arrived. I mean, it never would've emerged in that powerful and awful way. Parenthetically, we did get insurance for the woman and she didn't die. But the man was subjected to horrendous—he had to move across the United States in hiding against this huge corporation, General Electric, and survives to this day. Though sadly he wasn't the object of a motion picture by a famous director, so he's not exactly well-off, as we say.
But that 2007 conversation with Julian Assange changed, in a sense, my own apprehension of what we could do, and I became dedicated, in a sense, to the idea that we had to protect these people. And just towards that end, the powerful effect of what Kristinn [Hrafnsson] and Julian and others did in Iraq was demonstrated to me by the number of families in Iraq who felt a sense of closure now that they knew where their husbands and sons and stuff had been killed on the ground. Because the films that we did for Channel 4 and the work that The Guardian did, even before things got sticky with them, was really wonderful and providing that information to people on the ground and it got to many of them.
So I would say that, in a sense, I won't talk any more about the background because I'm sure many of you know that, but the consequences were really extraordinary. But, I have to say, it still is not widespread and WikiLeaks is bombarded with difficulties as it is, by enormous financial pressures that have been illegally brought against them by the credit card companies and a couple of banks, which have been devastating in their potential consequences, at least, convinced me that we should set up another whistleblowers organization which, I'll just tell you briefly, we've just set up in London. So we've set up—until WikiLeaks gets back up totally on its feet, which we hope will be very fast—we've set up a national organization of whistleblowers in England to provide pro bono legal help, psychological counseling, personal advice to many people because they don't know what to do when the pressures start, and the pressures drive many to suicide, and other difficulties. And so far we've got a number of people: we've got 8 financial whistleblowers from the Royal Bank of Scotland, from HBOS, and Citibank; we have 7 medical people; and 2 military and security people, including a British Army colonel who just left, a few months ago, Saudi Arabia, having blown the whistle on an enormously corrupt arms deal done by the British, which was 38 billion pounds. And he's in some fear of what the results will be. But the reason, of course, they were in those difficulties, is that WikiLeaks was not available to them then. And we're obviously extremely keen for WikiLeaks to get back in a position where it can offer that support again.
Transcript of the UK Supreme Court handing down the judgment in Julian Assange v Swedish Prosecution Authority, 09:15 on 30 May 2012. The full judgment and further statement is available at the UK Supreme Court's website.
UK Supreme Court President Lord Nicholas Phillips: The Swedish public prosecutor has requested the extradition of Mr Assange on charges of serious sexual offenses. (Note: Mr Assange has not been charged with any crime.) That request has raised a point of law of general public importance. It is not a point in respect of which the particular facts of Mr Assange's case have any relevance. This summary is about that point of law.
It used to be the case that this country would not extradite a person to another European country until a court here had considered the evidence against that person. The court would not approve extradition unless the evidence justified his being subjected to a criminal trial. All that changed in 2001 when we gave effect to the 1957 European Convention on Extradition. The following year, the provisions of that convention were superseded by an agreement reached between the members of the European Union. Terms of that agreement were set out in a European Union framework decision which this country was under a duty to implement. The framework decision directed that if a judicial authority in one state requested the extradition of a person from another state, the latter state would give effect to the request without considering the evidence. It was for the requesting state to consider whether the evidence justified extradition.
The United Kingdom gave effect to the framework decision in the Extradition Act 2003. That act provided that subject to certain conditions this country will extradite a person if we receive a request from a judicial authority in another member state. Point of law is simply what do the words 'judicial authority' mean.
Mr Assange has argued that they mean a court or judge. Sweden's request has been perused by a public prosecutor who is not a court or judge, so Mr Assange's argument that the request is invalid and he doesn't have to go back to Sweden. Point of law is simple to state, but it has not been simple to resolve. Indeed, we have only reached our decision by a majority of five to two.
There was discussion in Parliament about the words 'judicial authority' when the bill which became the Extradition Act was being debated. The bill used the words 'judicial authority' because those words were in the framework decision, and the Act was designed to give effect to the framework decision. It is clear that some members of Parliament believed the words 'judical authority' in the framework decision meant a court or a judge. Indeed, one minister specifically stated to the Parliamentary committee that this was the case. But he was mistaken.
'Judicial authority' is the English translation of the French words 'autorité judiciaire'. The framework decision is in both English and French, so it is necessary to have regard also to what the French phrase means. French phrase has a wider meaning than the English phrase. In French, the words 'judicial authority' can be used for public prosecutor. When the member states implemented the framework decision, many of them appointed public prosecutors to perform the role of the judicial authority. There was no suggestion that this was contrary to the framework decision. Having particular regard to this fact, the majority of the court are agreed that in the framework decision the words 'judicial authority' or 'autorité judiciaire' bear a meaning that includes a public prosecutor. Two members of the court, Lady Hale and Lord Mance, consider that this does not determine the meaning of judicial authority in the Extradition Act. In that Act, they mean a court or judge, as the minister had explained.
The other members of the court do not agree. Parliament's intention in passing the Extradition Act was to give effect to the framework decision. This was necessary in order to produce a uniform and coherent system of extradition in Europe. It was also necessary in order to comply with the duty of the United Kingdom under international law. So there is a presumption that the words 'judicial authority' should have the same meaning in the Extradition Act that they have in the framework decision. The understanding of some members of Parliament or the statement of the minister as to the meaning of the framework decision does not displace this presumption.
For these reasons, the majority has concluded the the Swedish public prosecutor was a judicial authority within the meaning of both the framework decision and the Extradition Act. It follows that the request for Mr Assange's extradition has been lawfully made and his appeal against extradition is accordingly dismissed.
Dinah Rose QC: My Lords, my Lady, I understand that you've notified but we did have one matter we wanted to raise. You will appreciate that we've only had a very limited opportunity to study this lengthy and learned decision and also that we've had no opportunity as of yet to consult with our client. However, there is one matter which causes us considerable concern on our initial reading of the decision. And that is that it would appear that a majority of the members of this court have decided the point either principally or solely on the basis of the interpretation of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, a point with respect was not argued during the appeal and which we were given no opportunity to address.
Now obviously this court will have in mind its recent decision in the case of Lukaszewski, holding that Article 6 applies to extradition proceedings of the United Kingdom. We are therefore currently considering our position and whether or not it will be necessary with great regret to make an application to this court that this matter should be reopened so that we have an opportunity to argue this point. I say this only to flag it up, because obviously at the moment we need to study the judgments and consult with our client. And I appreciate the urgency of the situation and therefore thought I ought to make that known publicly as soon as possible.
Lord Phillips: Yes, thank you, Ms Montgomery, you must consider...
Rose QC: I am not technically Ms Montgomery, although easily mistaken for her.
Lord Phillips: Ms Rose. I beg your pardon. You must consider the judgment at proper leisure and if you wish to make an application we will afford you the opportunity to do so.
Rose QC: Yes. I don't know how long your Lordships and your Ladyship would be prepared to give us to make that application. We're obviously operating under some difficulty given the imminent bank holiday weekend.
Lord Phillips: We'll afford you two weeks.
Rose QC: My Lord, in those circumstances, as I understand it the order that was agreed was that this order should be stayed for seven days. But given the point I've just raised, can I ask your Lordships and your Ladyship to vary that order so that it is stayed for 14 days to permit us to make that application.
Lord Phillips: That seems a reasonable request and we'll accede to it.
Rose QC: I'm grateful.
WikiLeaks' Twitter account was opened in early 2009. The first tweet dates from Feb 11 2009. Since then, WikiLeaks has used its Twitter account as one of the primary tools of its public relations: announcing leaks, informing its supporters, and issuing statements to various authorities. The WikiLeaks timeline, as written in its tweets, charts the development of the organization since early 2009.
As such, we believe that the WikiLeaks tweet timeline is a valuable historical document in its own right. The development of many of the events that continue to define WikiLeaks can be seen in incremental detail here. It also serves as a repository of links to coverage of WikiLeaks' publications which was compiled as the situation developed. Twitter's own website does not lend itself very well to reading back along the timeline. To read the first tweet, for example, you would have to scroll down for upwards of ten minutes.
As well as this there is a tweet-cap, after which Twitter no longer keeps your earliest tweets. As WikiLeaks reached this tweet-cap sometime in January 2011, the earliest WikiLeaks tweets have now started to disappear incrementally.
To ensure against the gradual or sudden removal of parts of this historical document from the internet, we believe it is important to keep an archive of this important twitter account.
Although the issue has eased off since, there was some concern in late 2010 that, following the lead of companies instituting a banking blockade against WikiLeaks, Twitter might delete WikiLeaks' account. Against this eventuality, this archive will be available here.
To make the archive easily navigable, tweets will be divided on the basis of months, accessible below. Please note, some links contained in the tweets may no longer be accessible.
Finers Stephens Innocent http://www.fsilaw.com
LONDON, 1pm (cont) http://tl.gd/71l2t1
Thursday November 18, 2010
STAFF EDITORIAL
In (cont) http://tl.gd/71lm5i
LONDON, 2pm Thursday November 18, 2010
Mark Stephens of law firm (cont) http://tl.gd/71lsqt
Note Neither Mr. Assange nor (cont) http://tl.gd/71m62q
1. Documentaries
2. Press Conferences
3. Talks & Panel Discussions
4. Interviews
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Wikileaks has been the subject of multiple documentaries, both by current affairs television, and by independent film makers. Please find a selection below.
ARTE: "War Against Secrets This 42min ARTE Reportage documentary aired on November 6, 2010. You can watch the full video on the ARTE website: French German L'Express and Les InRocks covered the documentary as well. |
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SVT: "WikiRebels" From summer 2010 until now, Swedish Television has been following the secretive media network WikiLeaks and its enigmatic Editor-in-Chief Julian Assange. English |
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Journeyman Pictures: "Wikileaks - USA" Journeyman Pictures' flawed investigative documentary nevertheless has some useful interviews and information, and is worth viewing. English |
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Julian Assange of Wikileaks on SBS's Dateline by Mark Davis SBS Dateline's April episode on Wikileaks, with early insight into Julian Assange and the thinking behind Wikileaks Part 1 Part 2 |
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Dateline Embedded with WikiLeaks August 1st 2010 SBS Dateline's August episode on Wikileaks' WarLeaks, after several months embedded. Part 1 Part 2 Part 3 |
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Al Jazeera: Collateral Murder? Al Jazeera's In Depth Analysis of the Collateral Murder release AJE |
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Channel 4 Dispatches: Iraq's Secret War Files Al Jazeera's Two-Part Documentary on the Iraq War Logs Part 1 Part 2 |
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Al Jazeera: Secret Iraq Files In the biggest official files leak in history nearly 400,000 Iraq war logs reveal the massive scale of civilian deaths and new torture allegations following an investigation by Channel 4′s Dispatches. Top Documentary |
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John Pilger: The War You Don't See John Pilger's excellent documentary on the secret security state and its role in war, which draws heavily on Wikileaks. Parts 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 |
2. Press Conferences and Release-related Events
Wikileaks shot to fame during 2010 perhaps most prominently in its press releases and surrounding media events. Here are the highlights:
26 July 2010: Afghan War Logs Press Conference The first major press conference in connection with the war logs in 2010, Assange answers numerous questions, and gives context for the releases. Frontline Club |
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27 July 2010: Special Event at Frontline Club Julian Assange was joined by the BBC’s Paddy O’Connell to engage the audience on the impact of the leaked classified documents which chronicle in detail US military operations in Afghanistan between 2004-2010 Frontline Club Supplementary Audio Interview |
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12 August 2010: Special Event at Frontline Club With Julian Assange, Heather Brooke, Mark Stephens and Paddy O'Connell Frontline Club |
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23 October 2010: Iraq War Logs Press Conference The second major press Wikileaks Press conference in 2010, at the Park Plaza Hotel, London Part 1 Part 2 Part 3 |
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25 October 2010: Special Event at Frontline Club Daniel Ellsberg joined Julian Assange and journalists in a discussion hosted by the Frontline Club in London the evening of the of the Iraq War Logs Press Conference. Frontline Club |
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1 December 2010: WikiLeaks: The US embassy cables Following the release of of 251,287 confidential United States embassy cables, December’s First Wednesday debate focused on the revelations of this latest leak from whistle-blower website WikiLeaks. Frontline Club |
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4 November 2010: Swiss Press Club, Geneva Press conference on the occasion of the first UN Universal Periodic Review of the human rights situation in the United States: Part 1 Part 2 Part 3 Part 4 |
3. Talks and Panel Discussions
Panel discussion and talks all over the world have often been the events during which the most insight was given into the nature of Wikileaks as an organization. Please peruse these, some of the more pertinent examples.
2010-07-16: TED - Why the world needs Wikileaks One week before the release of the Afghanistan war diaries, Julian Assange made an appearance on TED Talks and spoke with host Chris Anderson,curator of TED. The talk, entitled "Why the World Needs WikiLeaks," offers insights into how WikiLeaks operates and what it has accomplished. The full video is available via TED Talks: TED |
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2010-04-28: Oslo Freedom Forum
Julian Assange was a featured speaker at the 2010 Oslo Freedom Forum, an event that brings together human rights luminaries from around the world. For anyone wanting to understand the philosophical underpinnings of WikiLeaks, this an essential video: |
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ALDE Debate on Freedom of Expression
A EU parliamentary committee debate on freedom of expression, organized by ALDE, featured Julian Assange and Birgitta Jonsdottir, among others, and touched on many themes essential to the freedom of the press and Wikileaks. |
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2010-04-18: Logan Symposium, Berkeley Graduate School of Journalism
Shortly after the release of Collateral Murder, Julian Assange spoke at this panel alongside Birgitta Jónsdóttir (Icelandic MP) and Gavin MacFadyen (The Bureau for Investigative Journalism), hosted by Lowell Bergman: |
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2010-09-30: City University, London Under the title "Too Much Information? Security and Censorship in the Age of WikiLeaks," City University's School of Journalism hosted a debate between Julian Assange and David Aaronovitch of The Times. Video of the debate is available on the City University website: City University Photo credit: Øyvind Bye Skille, NRK |
4. Interviews and Television Segments
Certain tv interviews have been pivotal in furthering the Wikileaks story. We collect some of those here:
AJE: The Listening Post - The Midterms media players On this episode of The Listening Post, AJE analyses the media players in the US Midterm elections - old and new, mainstream and alternative, news and non-news. Plus their interview with Julian Assange, the Wikileaks editor-in-chief. AJE |
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tsr.ch
Info - L'intégrale de l'interview de Julian Assange, responsable de WikiLeaks, par Darius Rochebin. |
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Wikileaks editor interview on censorship Interview |
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بلاحدود - جوليان اسانج
تقديم/ أحمد منصور |
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2010-10-26: Democracy Now Amy Goodman interviews Assange in the wake of the Iraq War Logs Release Democracy Now |
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Frost over the World - Julian Assange
Info - Sir David Frost Interviews Julian Assange in late December on his Al Jazeera interview show, Frost over the World. |
RT reports that while The New York Times made a "fortune" from the diplomatic cables release, its gratitude only goes so far. They published the classified US war logs in June, making WikiLeaks a blessing at a time when NYT's budget was diminishing.After reaping the rewards of the WikiLeaks documents,however, NYT changed their initial outook, calling Mr.Assange "source" rather than a collaborator, while simultaneously publishing disparaging content about him.
1. Introduction
2. Resources for Collateral Murder
3. Resources for War Logs
2010 was, in many ways, the year of the WikiLeaks. Although the organization had been in operation for four years, and had published many high profile leaks, this was the year that WikiLeaks became a household name. Beginning April 2010, WikiLeaks released a succession of leaks apparently sourced from within the United States government, or military, and pertaining to the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. WL Central's Kevin Gosztala investigated the War Leaks and produced this valuable summary and analysis of their extent and significance. This page is an overview and resource bank.
On 5th April 2010 10:44 EST WikiLeaks released a classified US military video depicting the indiscriminate slaying of over a dozen people in the Iraqi suburb of New Baghdad -- including two Reuters news staff. The video instantly garnered the attention of news organizations around the world.
Offsite Resources
WL Central Resources
Please see our media archive for the months after the release of Collateral Murder to follow the story, as it unfolded, after its release.
On July 25th and October 22nd WikiLeaks released two large collections of military communiques from the United States military. The communiques were SIGACTS - reports of significant actions, sent by forces on the ground to a central military intelligence database. In the first release, approx 90,000 SIGACTS from the Afghanistan conflict were released. In the second, WikiLeaks released approx 400,000 from the Iraq conflict. WikiLeaks collaborated for their releases with Der Spiegel, The New York Times and The Guardian, and for the second release brought on board SVG, the Bureau of Investigative Journalism, Le Monde Al Jazeera and Channel 4. The escalating global reaction to these, the largest military intelligence leak in history, served as the precursor to the Cablegate leak, which began in November 2010, and is ongoing.
View Frontline Club Videos | Watch Frontline Club Videos |
Browse the War Logs | Browse the War Logs |
Coverage by Media Partners | Coverage by Media Partners |
WikiLeaks desktop wallpapers by Graphic Tribe's Dali Rău who's also done the graphics for WLC and the WLC Twitter feed. Copyright © Graphic Tribe & Rixstep. Free to share for noncommercial use.
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1. Main Resources
2. Cablegate Resources
3. War Leaks Resources
4. Frequent Falsehoods
5. Press Archive
6. Twitter Archive
7. Video Archive
8. Extradition Hearing
Main Resources
Current Official WikiLeaks Site
The current WikiLeaks site has been in operation since late November, and was designed to host the Cablegate releases, as well as allow site visitors to peruse older WikiLeaks releases. The front page contains links to a torrent of the back catalogue of leaks, the War Leaks, and Cablegate. A comprehensive About page will fill readers in on the highlights of WikiLeaks' several year career.
Links to Leaks |
Between 2006 and October 2010, WikiLeaks site was based on an implementation of the Mediawiki software (hence the name, WikiLeaks). In October the site was taken down, and when WikiLeaks returned, the new site (above) replaced the Mediawiki site. During the offtime, WikiLeaks supporters were served by this mirror of the old site. Now, though, WikiLeaks are hosting a complete version of the old site on their new servers. This site is essential for anyone who wishes to investigate the history of WikiLeaks and its publishing history, and to read the many examples of investigative journalism that were amassed there over the four years of its use.
Links to Features |
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For an instant primer on WikiLeaks, the Wikipedia page is a good, although sometimes out of date source.
Links to Sections |